Subjects -> RELIGION AND THEOLOGY (Total: 819 journals)
    - BUDDHIST (14 journals)
    - EASTERN ORTHODOX (1 journals)
    - HINDU (6 journals)
    - ISLAMIC (171 journals)
    - JUDAIC (23 journals)
    - OTHER DENOMINATIONS AND SECTS (4 journals)
    - PROTESTANT (20 journals)
    - RELIGION AND THEOLOGY (547 journals)
    - ROMAN CATHOLIC (33 journals)

ISLAMIC (171 journals)                     

Showing 1 - 171 of 171 Journals sorted alphabetically
Abgadiyat     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 5)
Afkaruna : Indonesian Interdisciplinary Journal of Islamic Studies     Open Access  
Ağrı İslami İlimler Dergisi     Open Access  
Ahkam : Jurnal Hukum Islam     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Ahkam : Jurnal Ilmu Syariah     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
AJIS : Academic Journal of Islamic Studies     Open Access  
Al 'Adalah : Jurnal Hukum Islam     Open Access  
Al Ihkam : Jurnal Hukum & Pranata Sosial     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
AL QUDS : Jurnal Studi Alquran dan Hadis     Open Access  
Al-Albab     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Al-Banjari : Jurnal Ilmiah Ilmu-Ilmu Keislaman     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
Al-Bayan : Journal of Qur’an and Hadith Studies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 1)
Al-Burhan : Journal of Qur’an and Sunnah Studies     Open Access  
Al-Dzikra : Jurnal Studi Ilmu al-Qur'an dan al-Hadits     Open Access  
Al-Fikra     Open Access  
Al-Fikrah     Open Access   (Followers: 3)
Al-Hikmah     Open Access  
Al-Iqtishad : Journal of Islamic Economics     Open Access   (Followers: 3)
Al-Jami'ah : Journal of Islamic Studies     Open Access   (Followers: 6)
Al-Mabsut : Jurnal Studi Islam dan Sosial     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Al-Maslahah Jurnal Ilmu Syariah     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
AL-QANTARA     Open Access   (Followers: 3)
Al-Risalah     Free   (Followers: 1)
Al-Risalah : Journal of Islamic Revealed Knowledge and Human Sciences     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Al-Shajarah : Journal of the International Institute of Islamic Thought and Civilization (ISTAC)     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 6)
Al-Tadzkiyyah : Jurnal Pendidikan Islam     Open Access  
Al-Tahrir     Open Access  
Al-Tijary : Jurnal Ekonomi dan Bisnis Islam     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
Al-Ulum     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
An-Nisbah : Jurnal Ekonomi Syariah     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Analisis : Jurnal Studi Keislaman     Open Access  
Annida'     Open Access  
Ar-Raniry : International Journal of Islamic Studies     Open Access   (Followers: 3)
ASAS : Jurnal Hukum dan Ekonomi Islam     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies     Hybrid Journal  
Asy-Syir'ah : Jurnal Ilmu Syari'ah dan Hukum     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
At-Ta'dib Jurnal Kependidikan Islam     Open Access  
At-Tabsyir : Jurnal Komunikasi Penyiaran Islam     Open Access  
at-Tajdid     Open Access  
At-Taqaddum     Open Access  
at-turas : Jurnal Studi Keislaman     Open Access  
At-Turats     Open Access  
Attarbiyah : Journal of Islamic Culture and Education     Open Access  
Atthulab : Islamic Religion Teaching and Learning Journal     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
BELAJEA : Jurnal Pendidikan Islam     Open Access  
Bina' Al-Ummah     Open Access  
Cakrawala : Jurnal Studi Islam     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Dauliyah Journal of Islamic and International Affairs     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
De Jure: Jurnal Hukum dan Syar'iah     Open Access   (Followers: 4)
Didaktika Religia     Open Access  
Dimas : Jurnal Pemikiran Agama untuk Pemberdayaan     Open Access  
Dirāsāt : Jurnal Manajemen dan Pendidikan Islam     Open Access  
Dirosat : Journal of Islamic Studies     Open Access  
Economica : Jurnal Ekonomi Islam     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Edukasi : Jurnal Pendidikan Islam     Open Access  
Edukasi Islami: Jurnal Pendidikan Islam     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
edureligia : Pendidikan Agama Islam i     Open Access  
El-Harakah     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
Empirisma : Jurnal Pemikiran dan Kebudayaan Islam     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Episteme : Jurnal Pengembangan Ilmu Keislaman     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Fenomena : Journal of Islamic Studies     Open Access  
Fikr-o Nazar     Open Access  
FOKUS : Jurnal Kajian Keislaman dan Kemasyarakatan     Open Access  
Hakam : Jurnal Kajian Hukum Islam dan Hukum Ekonomi Islam     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Hayula : Indonesian Journal of Multidisciplinary Islamic Studies     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Hikma : Journal of Islamic Theology and Religious Education     Hybrid Journal  
History of Islam and Iran     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
HONAI : International Journal for Educational, Social, Political & Cultural Studies     Open Access  
Hukum Islam     Open Access  
IBDA' : Jurnal Kebudayaan Islam     Open Access  
Ijtimaiyya : Jurnal Pengembangan Masyarakat Islam     Open Access  
Ikonomika : Jurnal Ekonomi dan Bisnis Islam     Open Access  
Indonesian Journal of Islam and Muslim Societies     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
INSANCITA : Journal of Islamic Studies in Indonesia and Southeast Asia     Open Access  
Insaniyat : Journal of Islam and Humanities     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Intellectual Discourse     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
Intellectual History of the Islamicate World     Hybrid Journal  
International Journal of Fiqh and Usul al-Fiqh Studies     Open Access  
International Journal of Islamic Economics and Finance Studies     Open Access   (Followers: 4)
International Journal of Islamic Marketing and Branding     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 6)
International Journal of Nusantara Islam     Open Access   (Followers: 5)
International Journal of Zakat     Open Access  
Intiqad : Jurnal Agama dan Pendidikan Islam     Open Access  
Intizar     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Iqtishoduna : Jurnal Ekonomi Islam     Open Access  
İslâm Araştırmaları Dergisi     Open Access  
Islamic Africa     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 4)
Islamic Studies     Open Access  
Islamika Indonesiana     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
Islamiyyat : The International Journal of Islamic Studies     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Islamuna : Jurnal Studi Islam     Open Access  
Istawa : Journal of Islamic Education     Open Access  
JAWI     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
JICSA : Journal of Islamic Civilization in Southeast Asia     Open Access  
Journal of Abbasid Studies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 3)
Journal of Arabic and Islamic Studies     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Journal of Indonesian Islam     Open Access  
Journal of Islam in Asia     Open Access   (Followers: 4)
Journal of Islamic and Near Eastern Law     Open Access   (Followers: 4)
Journal of Islamic Architecture     Open Access   (Followers: 11)
Journal of Islamic Education     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Journal of Islamic Finance     Open Access   (Followers: 3)
Journal of Islamic Philosophy     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 6)
Journal of Islamicjerusalem Studies     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Journal of Malay Islamic Studies     Open Access  
Journal of Muslim Mental Health     Open Access   (Followers: 7)
Journal of Muslims in Europe     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 2)
Journal of Shi'a Islamic Studies     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 5)
Journal of Sufi Studies     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 1)
Juris (Jurnal Ilmiah Syariah)     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Jurisdictie Jurnal Hukum dan Syariah     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Jurnal Ekonomi dan Bisnis Islam (Journal of Islamic Economics and Business)     Open Access  
Jurnal Hadhari : An International Journal     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
Jurnal Living Hadis     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Jurnal Pendidikan Islam     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
Jurnal Studi Al-Qur'an     Open Access  
Jurnal Theologia     Open Access  
Jurnal Ushuluddin     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Kader     Open Access  
KALAM     Open Access  
Kalimah : Journal of Religious Studies and Islamic Thought     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
KARSA : Jurnal Sosial dan Budaya Keislaman     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
Kodifikasia     Open Access  
Komunika: Jurnal Dakwah dan Komunikasi     Open Access  
Kontemplasi : Jurnal Ilmu-Ilmu Ushuluddin     Open Access  
Les cahiers de l'Islam     Free   (Followers: 1)
Madania : Jurnal Ilmu-Ilmu Keislaman     Open Access  
Marâji` : Jurnal Ilmu Keislaman     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Mathal/Mashal : Journal of Islamic and Judaic Multidisciplinary Studies     Open Access   (Followers: 5)
Medina-Te : Jurnal Studi Islam     Open Access  
Muaddib : Studi Kependidikan dan Keislaman     Open Access  
Muqarnas Online     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 4)
Muslim Heritage     Open Access  
Nadwa : Jurnal Pendidikan Islam     Open Access  
New Perspectives on Turkey     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 3)
Nuansa : Jurnal Penelitian Ilmu Sosial dan Keagamaan Islam     Open Access  
Nurani     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Potensia : Jurnal Kependidikan Islam     Open Access  
Psikis : Jurnal Psikologi Islami     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
QURANICA : International Journal of Quranic Research     Open Access  
Refleksi     Open Access  
Reflektika     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Religia     Open Access  
Religions of South Asia     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 10)
Review of Middle East Studies     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 10)
Revista de Estudios Internacionales Mediterráneos     Open Access  
Sociology of Islam     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 4)
Studia Islamica     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 4)
Studia Islamika     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Studies in Islam and Psychology     Open Access  
Ta'dib     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Tadrib : Jurnal Pendidikan Agama Islam     Open Access  
Tadris : Islamic Education Journal     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Tafáqquh : Jurnal Penelitian Dan Kajian Keislaman     Open Access  
Tajdida : Jurnal Pemikiran dan Gerakan Muhammadiyah     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
TARBIYA : Journal of Education in Muslim Society     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
Tarbiyatuna     Open Access  
Tawazun : Jurnal Pendidikan Islam     Open Access  
Teosofi : Jurnal Tasawuf dan Pemikiran Islam     Open Access   (Followers: 3)
Teosofia : Indonesian Journal of Islamic Mysticism     Open Access  
The Islamic Culture     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Tsaqafah : Jurnal Peradaban Islam     Open Access  
Turkish Journal of Islamic Economics     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
Ulul Albab     Open Access   (Followers: 3)
Ulumuna : Journal of Islamic Studies     Open Access  
Wahana Akademika : Jurnal Studi Islam dan Sosial     Open Access  
Walisongo : Jurnal Penelitian Sosial Keagamaan     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
Wardah : Jurnal Dakwah dan Kemasyarakatan     Open Access  
Wawasan     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
Yinyang : Jurnal Studi Islam, Gender dan Anak     Open Access  
النور للدراسات الحضارية والفكرية - AL-NUR Academic Studies on Thought and Civilization     Open Access   (Followers: 1)

           

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İslâm Araştırmaları Dergisi
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ISSN (Print) 1301-3289
Published by DergiPark Homepage  [206 journals]
  • A Critical edition and examination of al-Hāmil fī al-falak wa al-mahmūl
           fī al-fulk fī itlāq al-nubuwwah wa al-risālah wa al-khilāfah wa
           al-mulk by ‘Abd al-Ghanī ibn Ismā‘īl al-Nāblusī

    • Authors: Mustafa Borsbuğa
      Abstract: This study is a critical editionand examination of a treatise titled al-hāmil fī al-falak wa al-mahmūl fīal-fulk fī itlāq al-nubuwwah wa al-risālah wa al-khilāfah wa al-mulk penned by‘Abd al-Ghanī ibn Ismā‘īl al-Nāblusī (d. 1143/1731), who was a salient representativeof the Sufi school of “wahdat al-wujūd” (“oneness of being”). Taking theclassical sources as reference points, this treatise examines the issue of“itlāq”, which is related to whether the concepts of “nabī” (prophet) and“rasūl” (messenger) can be used for people other than proper prophets. In otherwords, if these concepts are to be used for people other than prophets, it aimsto discuss their manner and aspects that can be applied to ordinary people; andif this application is not allowed, then it seeks to explain the reasons. FirstI introduce briefly the author’s life, education, teachers, students, various worksand death. Then I present in detail manuscript copies of the treatise, the librariesthat hold these copies and the reliability of each of them. I also inform thereaders on the content of the treatise, the sources of the author and themethodology of the author in discussing the subject. Theologians, Sufis andjurists have discussed the subject of the treatise in their classical books. Infact, the issue is directly related to many principles of the religion invarious aspects. Using the concepts “nabī” and “rasūl” may potentially be inconflict with the essentials of the religion such as “nubuwwah” (prophethood).Al-Nāblusī tries to present thesubject by taking into consideration the accumulated literature both in theSufi perspective that reflects discoverable (kashfī) and personally experienced(dhawqī) knowledge and in the theological perspective that works with theknowledge built by reason, senses and information. Therefore, without limitinghimself to a single tradition, al-Nāblusī approaches the issue with a holisticperspective by employing theological, judicial and Sufi schools of thought. Forexample, on the same subject, he cites a Sufi source like al-Futūhātal-Makkiyya of Ibn al-Arabī (d. 638/1240), a judicial treatise like Durar ofMolla Hüsrev (d. 885/1480) and a theological work like Sharh al-Aqā’idal-‘Adudiyya of Jalal al-Dīn al-Dawwānī (d. 908/1502).When Niyāzī-i Misrī (d. 1105/1694), the founder of Misriyya branchof the Halvatiyya Sufi path, says that he believes that Ali and his sons Hasanand Husayn were prophets, rasūl (messenger) and nabī (prophet), and that thosewho do not believe in them are not Muslims, this poses several questions. Someheavily criticize this idea whereas some others approved of it. Due to thedelicacy of the issue that is asked to al-Nāblusī, a famous scholar of theeighteenth century, he examines it with extreme caution. Al-Nāblusī first focuseson the question of “takfīr” (declaring someone unbeliever). He underlines that“takfīr” is a critical matter in religion that has certain conditionsassociated to it and that declaring someone an unbeliever is not as easy aspeople usually think. While making this argument, al-Nāblusī cites sources ofjurisprudence such as Khulāsat al-fatāwā, Durar and Majmū‘. He also brings intoattention the state of mind when Niyāzī-i Misrī articulates this idea, becauseif he said these words at a time of “ghaybat” or “sakr,” meaning losing one’sconsciousness due to a probability or inspiration, it would not mean anything.Therefore, the true responsibility comes with perfect consciousness. Inaddition, al-Nāblusī extends his analysis on the subject by considering thelevels of interpretation allowed within the principles of Arabic grammar.The concept of Nabī means multiple things in Arabic. For example,it includes the meaning of “tarīq” (way) in Arabic. Therefore, Hasan and Husaynwere the ways that lead to God in their missions of guidance and warning.Sometimes, nabī means “mukhbir” (the one brings news). Therefore, Hasan andHusayn delivered the things inspired through God’s message as well as theknowledge and wisdom inherited from the prophet and from their father, Ali.Sometimes, nabī means “sharīf” (noble/superior) in respect to one’s overallmanners and moral integrity. As for Hasan and Husayn, they have been consideredthe most noble and virtuous individuals of their time. Likewise, the concept of“rasūl” carries multiple meanings. We observe that the Quran includes severalusages of rasūl corresponding certain occasions other than referring toprophets. Hasan and Husayn were messengers (rasūl) in transferring theprophet’s message to later generations. Therefore, based on these literalmeanings, using the concepts of “nabī” and “rasūl” for Hasan and Husayn isacceptable as long as they are not considered to have brought new law(shari‘a), because the Quran clearly declares the end of prophethood. Someonefrom a scholarly background could not make statements contrary to this principle.The author Abd al-Ghanī al-Nāblusīfinds the statement of Niyāzī-i Misrī on Hasan and Husayn acceptable accordingto rules of interpretation and principles of Arabic grammar, therefore he seesno need to declare the maker of the statement as an unbeliever. However, healso thinks that using the concepts of “nabī” and “rasūl” for anybody otherthan the prophets is inappropriate i...
      PubDate: Fri, 01 Dec 2017 00:00:00 +030
       
  • A Critical Edition of the Fifth Chapter on Rhetoric in Molla Hüsrev’s
           Naqd al-afkār fī radd al-anžār

    • Authors: Hasan Uçar
      Abstract: This article is a critical editionof the fifth chapter of the book Naqd al-afkār fī radd al-anžār penned by MollaHüsrev (d. 885/1480). The book consists of six chapters discussing particularsubjects, with ten issues in each, by using the method of adjudication(muģakamāt). These subjects include Quran, the historiography of the prophet’slife, jurisprudence, juridical methodology, Arabic language and rhetoric andlogic. This fifth chapter is reserved for rhetoric. Considering the time of theauthor Molla Hüsrev, who served as judge, military judge and professor duringthe reigns of Murad II (r. 1431-1451) and Mehmed II (r. 1451-1481), the bookshows his competence in these subjects as well as the level of culture in thesociety in which he lived in.In the book, Sirāj al-dīn b. Sa¤dal-dīn al-Tawqī¤ī (d. 886/1481) answers the questions posed by Alā al-dīn Alib. Mūsā al-Rūmī (d. 841/1438). The questioner is called “al-mawlā al-bāģith”and the responder is called “al-mawlā al-mujīb” in the text. Molla Hüsrev, whocalls himself “faqīr” (i.e. the poor), acts as a referee from a philosophicaland rational point of view on their thoughts regarding subjects. As a goodexample of the adjudication genre, the book shows Molla Hüsrev’s knowledge ofthese sciences and his eloquence.Early works produced between thesixth (twelfth) and eighth (fourteenth) centuries include critiques of content,language and style. It seems that the genre of adjudication (muģakamāt)developed in this period. We observe similar works during the Ottomanperiod as well. Molla Hüsrev, known mostly for his knowledge of exegesis andjurisprudence, treats with the method of adjudication such Quranic verses thatuse logical formulas. In this book, he supports the thinker he considers to beright and criticizes both when he disagrees with their viewpoints. Ultimately,he presents his own views.The subjects that the authoradjudicated in the book contain:1. The precedence of the attributed for the purpose ofparticularization2. The particularization of the attributed to the attribute3. The restriction with prepositions and their kinds4. The indefinite condition of the attribute and its corroboration5. The predicate attribution6. The harmony between the attribute and the attributed7. The omission of the attribute8. The reference to the attributed9. The liaison and section with the preposition أو10. The attributed in performative sentencesWe observe that Molla Hüsrev follows a fair path in his style ofadjudication. For example, in the sixth issue, the question is related tomasculinity and femininity oَf the words in the phrase قَالَتِ الأَعْرَابُ آمَنّا and وَقَالَنِسْوَةٌ as well as the reasons forthese preferences.The answer provides three aspects:a) The preference of the one from two possibilitiesb) God shows how he acts as he wills according to his preferencec) The reason for the feminine conjugation of the first verbrefers to the Beduin, “who are human beings having feminine deficiencies andare unable to use reason like men, thereby the belief does not go into theirhearts. The reason for the masculine conjugation of the second verb refers tothe women who saw the condition of Zulaykha and used reason like men.”Molla Hüsrev supports this view. He finds it unusual, however,that Sa¤d al-dīn al-Tawqī¤ī answers the question although he has already statedthat the issue does not fall into the field of the science of meaning.Molla Hüsrev does not approve that Alā al-dīn al-Rūmī sometimesasks questions to lengthen the discussion, as in the ninth issue, with hisappropriation of al-Taftāzānī’s ideas and falsification of some of them.However, he praises the quality of the first question and considers that theanswer does not address the point. He shows his neutrality by providing theanswer as such:The question in the first issue is related to that while thepronoun أنا in the sentence ماأنا قلت هذا is the attributed that needs to imply particularization; the particularizationis done to the negative pronoun ما.The answer explains this by showingthe difference between the sentences ما أنا قلت هذاand أنا ما قلت هذا and stating thatplacing the negative pronoun at the beginning creates a meaning providing onlyparticularization. Therefore, the first sentence means, “the one who says thisword is certainly not me”; in other words, “the negativity of the act islimited with me.”The author thinks that the correctanswer is not given and lengthening the answer is inappropriate. As for him,the issue is related to naming قلتas a predicate while disregarding the negative pronoun ما . According to Molla Hüsrev, the negativityis not attributed to the person butto actions. The rhetoricians, unlike the grammarians focusing on words,consider not only قلت as the predicate butalso accept the predicate with its negativity. In addition to these approachesgiving priority to meaning, we also observe Molla Hüsrev’s meticulous attentionto details and command of differences. We can clearly see that he treats therhetoric as a whole in the eighth issue where he shows his precision...
      PubDate: Fri, 01 Dec 2017 00:00:00 +030
       
  • No title

    • Authors: Salime Leyla Gürkan
      PubDate: Fri, 01 Dec 2017 00:00:00 +030
       
  • Mamluk-Ottoman Transition in Egypt: Judicial Administration and Law
           (1517-1525)

    • Authors: Abdurrahman Atçıl
      Abstract: In thisarticle, I examine developments related to judicial administration and law inEgypt during 1517-1525, with the purpose of shedding light on the legal aspectof Egypt’s integration into the Ottoman Empire. The majority of studies on therelated topics support the observation that the Ottoman central government imposedon Egypt, in a top-down fashion, the legal practices that had been prevalent inAnatolia and Rumelia, and ended the Mamluk system of judicial administration,characterized by plurality. Distinct from these studies, this article aims toshow variant tendencies of continuity and discontinuity in Mamluk- Ottomantransition, by distinguishing between judicial administration and law.It appearsthat, during the period under study, the Ottomans wanted to establish strongcentral control over the judicial administration. Although local objections anddemands forced the Ottomans to change their initial intentions, scholars, whoserved as bureaucrats of the Ottoman central bureaucracy (scholar-bureaucrats),gradually grew in importance in the judicial administration in Egypt. Scholar-bureaucratsbegan to supervise people, institutions and transactions in the sharia courtsof Egypt.On theother hand, during the same period, it is apparent that the Ottomans did notimpose a particular law in the courts and legal transactions in Egypt in a top-downmanner, but mostly maintained the Mamluk status quo. For example, following theMamluk practice, they appointed judges from four madhhabs (legal schools; Hanafi,Shafi‘i, Maliki and Hanbali) and allowed them to apply the doctrine of theirown school in legal decisions and approvals. Along the same lines, theKanunname (Law Code) of Egypt, promulgated in 1525, ratified many administrative,legal and financial practices of the Mamluk period as legal and affirmed theprivileges of local groups.In thefirst part of the article, I give a brief overview of the politicaldevelopments, marked with ups and downs from the perspective of the Ottomancenter. I discuss Sultan Selim I’s (r. 1512-1520) efforts to establish a stableorder in Egypt by appointing Grand Vizier Yunus Pasha (d. 1517) as thegovernor. As the pasha failed to reach out to the fugitive Mamluk soldiers andthe Arab Bedouin, Selim replaced him with Hayır Bey, a former Mamluk commander.Hayır Bey maintained order in the region for five years, largely by cooptingthe powerful groups of the former Mamluk regime. When he died in 1522, SultanSüleyman appointed as governor Mustafa Pasha (d. 1529), who was a vizier ofBosnian origin in the Imperial Council. Mustafa Pasha’s policies instigated arebellion by former Mamluk commanders, Arab Bedouin and urban folk of Cairo.After this uprising was brought under control, Ahmed Pasha (d. 1524), anothervizier from the Imperial Council, became the governor in 1523. Collaboratingwith some of the groups that had rebelled, Ahmed Pasha attempted to gainindependence from the empire. Some soldiers in the Ottoman garrison in Egypttoppled and killed Ahmed Pasha in 1524. Then, Grand Vizier Ibrahim Pasha led anexpeditionof investigation to Egypt during 1524-1525. After bringing rebelliousfactionsundercontrol, he communicated with different groups in Egypt, listened to theirdemands and succeeded in drawing up the Law Code of Egypt in 1525, which becamethe instrument and sign of the establishment of a stable order.In thesecond part, I delve into developments related to the judicial administration inEgypt. I identify five distinct phases in this regard during 1517-1525.(1) TheFailed Attempt of Radical Ottoman Centralization (22 January-5 March 1517):During the time of his residence, Selim I first dismissed the judges of the fourlegal schools and appointed a scholar-bureaucrat as the judge of Egypt. He thenchanged his mind and returned to the former judicial structure through thereinstitution of the judges of the four legal schools on March 5, 2017.(2) TheContinuation of the Mamluk System under the Ottoman Rule (5 Marchn 1517 – May1522): The judges of the four legal schools continued to preside over thecourts as they did during the Mamluk times, except that Hayır Bey and other Ottomanofficials pressured these judges to limit the number of their deputies (naib)and professional witnesses (‘udul).(3) SeydiÇelebi’s Reforms and the Establishment of the Control of the Ottoman CentralGovernment over the Judicial Administration (May 1522- August 1523): In May1522, the Ottoman central government appointed Seydi Çelebi (d. 1524/25), whohad previously served as the chief judge of Anatolia, as the chief judge ofEgypt with the special mission of reorganizing the judicial administration inCairo and adjacent districts. He would preside over the whole judicial organization.For this, he dismissed the judges of the four legal schools and appointeddeputies from all legal schools. In addition, he appointed deputies to thedifferent districts of Cairo, such as Bulaq, Old Cairo and the Mosque of Ibn Tulun.With this new organizational structure, Seydi Çelebi, who represented andreported directly to the Ottoman center, was placed over all other judicial staff,such as deputies and professional witnesses, whether they were appointed fromthe Ottoman center or they were from the local people.(4) TheReinstitution of the Judges of Four Legal Schools (September 1523 September 1524):Ahmed Pasha revoked the central piece of Seydi Çelebi’s reforms by appointingthe judges of four legal schools, and thereby returning to the Mamluk practicein this respect.(5) TheReestablishment of the Control of the Central Government (September 1524): PirAhmed Çelebi (d. 1545/46) was appointed as the chief judge of Egypt with theduty to put Seydi Çelebi’s reforms back in place.In thethird part, I inquire if the Ottomans ended the Mamluk plural justice, based on...
      PubDate: Fri, 01 Dec 2017 00:00:00 +030
       
  • Personal Mushafs and Arrangement of the Chapters in al-Shahristānī’s
           Exegesis Mafātīh al-asrār

    • Authors: Recep Arpa
      Abstract: The prophetfirst himself memorized the revelations, then he had clerks write them down.Some of the companions wrote these revealed verses for themselves in order tomemorize and master them and so they created personal mushafs. Although the literatureon the history of Quran and mushafs do not corroborate the number of personal mushafsor their possessors, numbers vary from four to seven, and even up to twenty-eightaccording to some records. Among these mushafs, particularly those of Ubayy b.Ka‘b, Abdullah b. Mas‘ūd, Ali b. Abī Tālib and Ibn Abbas have been the most distinguished.In fact, these are the mushafs of which we have some knowledge. Some of these mushafscirculated beyond the Hijaz. For example, the recitation according to Ubayy’s mushafwas welcomed in Damascus and the recitation according to Ibn Mas‘ūd’s gainedinfluence in Kūfa. We have little or no information about mushafs other thanthese four. According to reports, there are a series of disagreement between thesepersonal mushafs and the mushaf arranged during the times of Caliph Abū Bakr andCaliph Uthmān in respect to the number of chapters (sūrahs) and theirarrangements. As many reports state, unlike Caliph Uthmān’s mushaf, Ibn Masud’smushaf does not include the chapters of al-Fātihah (the Opener), al-Falaq (theDaybreak) and al-Nās (the Mankind); Ubayy’s mushaf includes the supplicationsof Qunūt as two separate chapters; and Ali’s mushaf is arranged according tothe order of revelation. The literature on the history of Quran, books on mushaf,history of sciences, and Quranic sciences have reported many narratives on thediscrepancy between these personal mushafs and Caliph Uthmān’s mushafs inrespect to the arrangement of chapters.One ofsources on the arrangement of chapters in personal mushafs is a book ofexegesis, Mafātīh al-asrār, attributed to Muhammad b. Abd al-Karīmal-Shahristānī (d. 548/1153). It seems that this newly circulating book ofal-Shahristānī is valuable for its hitherto unknown information on the personalmushafs, including the arrangement of Quranic revelations.Al-Shahristānīattaches in the preface two unseen tables comparing the chapters according tothe order of revelation and to the order in the mushafs. Although al-Shahristānīdoes not disclose the source of these tables, he states that he has reproduced themverbatim from a person who is highly learned on the arrangement of chapters andfrom trustworthy narrators and books. Al-Shahristānī underlines that thesetables may not exist in other works of exegesis because exegetes do not know ortrust them; and they do not include them in their works for they are occupiedwith more important subjects.The firsttable al-Shahristānī provides is related to the arrangement of the Quranic revelationand it includes reports from five different persons. The first report comes fromthe narrators of Muqātil b. Sulaymān (d. 150/167), the second one comes from Alithrough Muqātil, the third one comes from Ibn Abbās through al-Kalbī, thefourth one comes from the narrators of Abū ‘Ali al-Ģusayn b. Wāqid al-Qurashī,and the fifth one comes from Ja‘far al-Ģādiq.The secondtable on the arrangement in the mushafs provides the lists of chapters accordingto Caliph Uthmān, Ibn Mas‘ūd and Ubayy b. Ka‘b. It also includes afourth list according to the report from Abū Abd Allah Muhammad b. Khālidal-Barqī who was a famous Shiite hadīth scholar of the early period of theImāmiyya, and a fifth lists relying on the report from Ibn Wādih Ahmad b. Ishāqb. Ja‘far Ya‘qūbī.Threereports in the first table (from Muqātil b. Sulaymān’s narrators, Ali through Muqātil,Ja‘far al-Sādiq) and the report from Muhammad b. Khālid al-Barqī do not existin other extant sources. Therefore, al-Shahristānī’s book appears to be theonly source mentioning these reports.The mostsalient report in the table that lists the reports according to arrangement of Quranicrevelation is from Ja‘far al-Sādiq. According to our knowledge, neither Sunni norShiite sources, except for al-Shahristānī’s exegesis, mention the existence ofsuch a report/ mushaf attributed to Ja‘far al-Sādiq. Even the existence of somecontemporary sources mentioning Ja‘far’s report/ mushaf do not change thisfact, because ultimately the source for these contemporary sources are, infact, al-Shahristānī’s exegesis. By citing al-Shahristānī, Shiite scholar AbūAbdullah al-Zanjānī mentions this report in his book titled Tārīkh al-Qur’ān as“Ja‘far al-Sādiq’s mushaf ’s arrangement”, misleading those who later cite himand some contemporary writers who attribute a mushaf to Ja‘far al-Sādiq. Thisleads to an assumption that Ja‘far had a personal mushaf just like Ubayy b.Ka‘b and Ibn Mas‘ūd. However, it is not plausible to accept its existenceaccording to our current evidence.IbnMas‘ūd’s and Ubayy b. Ka‘b’s mushafs listed in the second table ofal-Shahristānī are the most salient personal mushafs on which many debatesoccurred. So far we have discussed the arrangements of chapters in Ibn Mas‘ūdand Ubayy b. Ka‘b’s mushafs according to the information given in al-Fihristand al-Itqān, because no other source mention the content and arrangement ofthe mushafs of Ibn Mas‘ūd and Ubayy b. Ka‘b. Al-Shahristānī’s Mafātīh al-asrāris ...
      PubDate: Fri, 01 Dec 2017 00:00:00 +030
       
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    • Authors: Hacer Yetkin
      PubDate: Fri, 01 Dec 2017 00:00:00 +030
       
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    • Authors: Ulvi Murat Kılavuz
      PubDate: Fri, 01 Dec 2017 00:00:00 +030
       
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    • Authors: Mehmet Emin Güleçyüz
      PubDate: Fri, 01 Dec 2017 00:00:00 +030
       
  • The Conduct of the Shāri‘ on the Meanings of Nouns: The Issue of
           al-Hakā’ik al-Shar‘iyya in the Muslim Theological and Hanafi Legal
           Theories

    • Authors: İmam Rabbani Çelik
      Abstract: Thelinguistic imaginations of Islamic legal theoreticians are centered on the theoryof assignation (wad‘). The term wad‘ refers to assigning a meaning to anoun, or, as more classically called, an expression. The literal meaning of an expressionin language refers to the truth (haqīqa) whereas its usage in another meaning,in some sense connected to the original meaning, refers to the figurative/ metaphoricalmeaning. Theoretical jurisprudential literature has debated whether theliterary meaning of an expression changes by the conduct of the Shāri‘ and, ifso, whether jurists can use the term al-haqīqa al-shar‘iyya (legal truths)as a kind of truth for the nouns that are argued to have acquired different meanings.Some Mu‘tazilī theoreticians argue that the Shāri‘ assigned legal andtheological meanings to some nouns by divorcing them from their literalmeanings and referring to the nouns transferred to legal meanings as al-haqīqaal-shar‘iyya and some of the nouns transferred to theological meanings asreligious truths. e Mu‘tazilī theoreticians use the term transference (naql)for describing the process of assigning new meanings to certain nouns inaddition to their literal meanings. By employing certain nouns whose meanings theShārī‘, as they argue, transferred to new theological meanings — such as belief(īmān), sinfulness (fisq) and unbelief (kufr) — theyground the theory of al-manzila bayn al-manzilatayn, used for great sinners (murtakibal-kabīra), in order to identify their dubious state of being believers orunbelievers. During the fourth/tenth century, witnessing ongoing ideologicaldebates between the Mu‘tazilī and Ash‘arī theological schools, al-Qādial-Bāqillānī formulates the Ash‘arī school’s theoretical framework. Consideringthat the usage of al-haqīqa al-shar‘iyya could pave the way for thepossibility of religious nouns that include theological meanings, he tries toidentify these nouns with their literal meanings. Therefore, he insists thenouns have not been transferred and their literal meanings continue to exist.By thesecond half of the fith/eleventh century, the Mu‘tazilī school lost itsdominance and new challenges to Sunni theology, such as philosophy andesotericism, began to appear. Al-Bāqillānī’s resistance to the arguments of al-haqīqaalshar‘iyya transference evolved into a lighter emphasis among Ash‘arītheologians and theoreticians. Therefore, some Ash‘arī theologians andtheoreticians criticized al-Bāqillānī’s rigid attitude and accepted the conductof the Shāri‘. By the seventh/thirteenth century, almost all Ash‘arītheologians and Hanafi theoreticians adopted the view of legal nouns as a kindof truth. Among them, al-Juwaynī and his student al-Ghazālī state that theconduct of the Shāri‘ on expressions occurs metaphorically and thismetaphorical usage gains wide-circulation. A century later, al-Rāzī (d.606/1210), like his predecessors, adopts the metaphorical conduct of the Shāri‘as well as calls legal nouns among the kinds of truth and accepts thetransference to legal meanings. However, unlike the Mu‘tazilī school, heunderlines the necessity to have an affinity at the transference between theliteral meaning and the new meaning. A half-century later, Ibn al-Hājib (d.646/1249) does not accept the metaphorical conduct of the Shāri‘ but adoptscompletely al-haqīqa al-shar‘iyya by distinguishing religious and legaltruths and calls the conduct of the Shāri‘ on expressions as assignation (wad‘).Several Ash‘arī theologian theoreticians such as Tāj al-Dīn al-Subkī (d.771/1370), Jalāl al-Dīn al-Mahallī (d.864/1459) and Hasan b. Muhammad al-‘Attār(d. 1250/1834) follow Ibn al-Hājib on accepting al-haqīqa al-shar‘iyyatotally.In thisarticle, I examine the Hanafi theoretical literature in three distinct lines byfollowing the cross-references and continuities in ideas among the legaltheoreticians. The first is the Hanafi-jurist tradition that follows theclassifications and methodology of al-Dabūsī’s Taqwīm al-adilla; the second oneis the tradition that combines Hanafi theoretical perspective with theologianmethodology; and the third one is Hanafi-Māturīdī theoretical tradition thatbuilds jurisprudential methodology on the basic premises of Māturīdītheological school. Al-Jaŝŝās (d. 370/981), a Hanafi jurist who is known forhis close connection to the Mu‘tazilī school, openly accepts that the Shāri‘assigns new meanings on nouns. Later, some Hanafi jurists such as al-Dabūsī (d.430/1039), al-Sarakhsī (d. 483/1090) and al-Pazdawī (d. 482/1089) describe theconduct of the Shāri‘ on nouns only metaphorically and argue, just like in thetheological tradition, that metaphorical usages of nouns have more circulation.Sadr al-Sharī‘a (d. 747/1346), a scholar of Hanafi-jurisprudential tradition,calls these nouns as kinds of truth. Maintaining two aspects of explaining theissue, al-Qarāfī (d. 684/1285), argues that when one takes into considerationthe literal meanings of a noun, its literal meaning corresponds to the truthwhile its legal meaning becomes the metaphorical meaning; and when one takesinto consideration the legal meaning of a noun, its legal meaning correspondsto the truth while its literal meaning becomes the metaphorical meaning. SomeHanafi jurists following the combined tradition (such as Ibn al-Sā‘ātī...
      PubDate: Fri, 01 Dec 2017 00:00:00 +030
       
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    • Authors: Ayşe Şahin
      PubDate: Fri, 01 Dec 2017 00:00:00 +030
       
 
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