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Showing 1 - 16 of 16 Journals sorted alphabetically
Ada : A Journal of Gender, New Media, and Technology     Open Access   (Followers: 24)
AFRREV LALIGENS : An International Journal of Language, Literature and Gender Studies     Open Access   (Followers: 5)
American Journal of Men's Health     Open Access   (Followers: 9)
Berkeley Journal of Gender, Law & Justice     Open Access   (Followers: 14)
Body Image     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 16)
Duke Journal of Gender Law & Policy     Open Access   (Followers: 21)
Feminist Economics     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 22)
Gender Impact Assessment     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 3)
International Journal of Men's Health     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 5)
Journal of Couple & Relationship Therapy     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 2)
Journal of Fashion Technology & Textile Engineering     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 10)
Partner Abuse     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 8)
Politics & Gender     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 26)
QED : A Journal in GLBTQ Worldmaking     Full-text available via subscription   (Followers: 1)
The Aging Male     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 3)
Women & Performance: a journal of feminist theory     Hybrid Journal   (Followers: 11)
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Politics & Gender
Journal Prestige (SJR): 0.861
Citation Impact (citeScore): 1
Number of Followers: 26  
  Full-text available via subscription Subscription journal
ISSN (Print) 1743-923X - ISSN (Online) 1743-9248
Published by Cambridge University Press Homepage  [389 journals]
  • Introduction: (Re)integrating Feminist Security Studies and Global
           Political Economy: Continuing the Conversation through Empirical
    • Authors: Maria Martin de Almagro; Caitlin Ryan
      Abstract: Attempts to integrate feminist security studies (FSS) and feminist global political economy (GPE) were first meticulously studied in the Critical Perspectives sections of the June 2015 and December 2017 issues of this journal. Although the debate has gained presence in workshops, at international conferences, and even on dedicated websites, the diverse contributions have remained rather theoretical (e.g., Bergeron, Cohn, and Duncanson 2017; Hudson 2015). The aim of these Critical Perspectives essays is to take the integration of FSS and GPE one step further by presenting empirically grounded contributions that help us contextualize the existing theoretical debates. By focusing on postwar contexts, the pieces here take seriously the material conditions of women's empowerment from a perspective attuned to the gendered and racialized logics structuring social orders in postwar states. We believe that these are the spaces where war economies and peace economies meet and where (gendered) structural transformation of societies is possible. Like the two previous collections, we do not understand FSS and GPE as additive (Chisholm and Stachowitsch 2017). Rather, we understand them as traditions that share a common goal, namely, to undermine the racialized neoliberalism and patriarchal capitalism underpinning international intervention and postwar reconstruction projects.
      PubDate: 2020-09-01T00:00:00.000Z
      DOI: 10.1017/S1743923X2000032X
      Issue No: Vol. 16, No. 3 (2020)
  • The Forgotten Lives: Connecting Gender, Security, and Everyday Livelihoods
           in Ukraine's Conflict
    • Authors: Mila O'Sullivan
      Abstract: Recent debates within Women, Peace and Security (WPS) scholarship (e.g., Bergeron, Cohn, and Duncanson 2017; Elias 2015; True 2015) have underlined the need to position the WPS agenda in the context of broader feminist security analysis as defined by early feminist international relations scholars (e.g., Tickner 1992). More precisely, this requires integrating feminist security studies (FSS) and feminist political economy (FPE). At the center of these largely theoretical reflections is a concern that gender-responsive peace-building efforts have too often been undermined by postwar neoliberal economic processes. This essay provides an empirical contribution to this debate, taking the case study of Ukraine as an atypical example of how WPS has been adopted and implemented for the first time during an active conflict. The integration of FPE and FSS proves especially relevant for a country in conflict, where economic austerity policies come along with increased military expenditure. The essay illustrates that the bridging of security and economy is entirely absent in Ukraine's WPS agenda, which has largely prioritized military security while failing to connect it to the austerity policies and the gendered structural inequalities deepened by the ongoing conflict.
      PubDate: 2020-09-01T00:00:00.000Z
      DOI: 10.1017/S1743923X20000343
      Issue No: Vol. 16, No. 3 (2020)
  • Macroeconomic Interventions and the Politics of Postwar Justice
    • Authors: Daniela Lai
      Abstract: This essay connects feminist political economy and critical/feminist transitional justice through the analysis of macroeconomic interventions in postwar Bosnia and Herzegovina. Previous contributions to Critical Perspectives have argued for the need to establish a dialogue and bring down divides between feminist security studies and political economy in feminist International Relations (Elias 2015; Chisolm and Stachowitsch 2017) and to look at the spaces where security and political economy intersect as a productive line of research (Sjoberg 2015). To build these connections, feminist scholars have stressed the importance of multidimensional concepts and questioned their unidimensional use whenever relevant. Security is certainly one of the concepts benefiting from a feminist critique that has opened up its meaning, with reference to its referent objects as well as its multiple dimensions (e.g., to include women's economic security alongside physical security; see Chisolm and Stachowitsch 2017; True 2015). Another concept that has been productively reframed as multidimensional by feminist scholars is violence (Bergeron, Cohn, and Duncanson 2017; Elias and Rai 2015; True 2012).
      PubDate: 2020-09-01T00:00:00.000Z
      DOI: 10.1017/S1743923X20000331
      Issue No: Vol. 16, No. 3 (2020)
  • Navigating to Subsistence: The Gendered Struggles in the Postwar Everyday
           and Their Implications for Peace
    • Authors: Elena B. Stavrevska
      Abstract: In developing a feminist analysis of postwar political economic practices and institutions, my contribution builds on previous Critical Perspectives forums in following Cynthia Enloe's call (2015, 438) to make sense of people's gendered political lives while embracing their “messiness” and Rahel Kunz's (2017) argument for placing life stories at the center of analysis. It focuses on the everyday life of female petty traders involved in the coping economy in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), including those working at the (in)famous Arizona market in Brčko. By taking postwar gendered everyday experiences seriously, my contribution highlights the need for a gender-just, holistic approach to designing postwar reparative justice measures, labor market interventions, and integration of coping economic practices.
      PubDate: 2020-09-01T00:00:00.000Z
      DOI: 10.1017/S1743923X20000355
      Issue No: Vol. 16, No. 3 (2020)
  • A Feminist Call to Be Radical: Linking Women's Health and Planetary Health
    • Authors: Maria Tanyag
      Abstract: iwishi couldw riteth epoemiwantor eadina timeo fcrisis{repeat}ineed towriteth epoemiwantor eadina timeo fcrisis{repeat}thisi snotth epoemineedtow riteina timeo fcrisis{repeat}thisi sjustat est ofawri terinatimeo fcrisis{repeat}—Teresia Teaiwa (2013)Reflecting on the two previous conversations in Politics & Gender (2015 and 2017) regarding the diverging paths in global political economy and security studies that feminist international relations (IR) scholars have taken, I am reminded of Teresia Teaiwa's poetry, which for me speaks about how crisis gives birth to the radical starting points of our feminist inquiries. We are all undoubtedly on the cusp of ever-intensifying forms of insecurities, and peoples who have least contributed to their creation and hastening are bearing the worst impacts. It is projected that by 2100, the compounded threats that humanity will face as a result of climate change will be in multitudes across five main human systems: health, water, food, economy, infrastructure, and security (Cramer et al. 2018; Mora et al. 2018, 106). The complex consequences of climate change demand an approach that encompasses the interaction effects of different risks and hazards. However, across natural and social sciences so far, the norm has been to focus on specific aspects of human life and to examine hazards–including conflict and violence—in isolation from one another. We then run the risk of misleading ourselves with partial, if not incorrect, assessments of the global processes surrounding climate change. In particular, we are yet to understand the multiscalar dynamics of environmental degradation and extreme weather as they are entangled with other crises such as armed conflicts, health pandemics, economic recessions, and resurgences of authoritarian leadership. Whether feminist or not, we simply cannot afford to think in “camps” instead of “bridges” given the nature of the multiple crises we as humanity are facing. As Anna M. Aganthangelou (2017, 741) points out, “[g]lobal politics are never just ‘economic’ or ‘security’ issues,” so the kind of assumptions we hold and how these inform the questions we raise need to “attend to the highest stake of politics: existence.”
      PubDate: 2020-09-01T00:00:00.000Z
      DOI: 10.1017/S1743923X20000367
      Issue No: Vol. 16, No. 3 (2020)
  • PAG volume 16 issue 3 Cover and Front matter
    • PubDate: 2020-09-01T00:00:00.000Z
      DOI: 10.1017/S1743923X20000550
      Issue No: Vol. 16, No. 3 (2020)
  • PAG volume 16 issue 3 Cover and Back matter
    • PubDate: 2020-09-01T00:00:00.000Z
      DOI: 10.1017/S1743923X20000562
      Issue No: Vol. 16, No. 3 (2020)
  • Islam, Parties, and Women's Political Nomination in Indonesia
    • Authors: Ella S. Prihatini
      Pages: 637 - 659
      Abstract: This article responds to earlier research on the role of Islam as a barrier to women's political nominations by assessing and comparing parties’ efforts to meet institutionally required gender quotas in Indonesia. With the provision of 30% candidate gender quotas implemented since the 2004 elections, how have parties responded' Do Islamist and pluralist parties differ systematically in this regard' More specifically, does religious ideology influence how parties go about meeting quotas, recruiting female candidates, and getting them elected' Or do all parties face the same challenges when it comes to getting women into parliament' Drawing on a unique dataset collected from 2004 to 2019 legislative elections and in-depth interviews with central party officers, faction leaders, and members of parliament, this article investigates these questions. The results indicate that Islamic ideology plays no obvious role in limiting female participation in legislative elections; Islamist and pluralist parties are equally good at achieving the percentage quotas of female nominees. Both groups are also similarly poor at putting female candidates first on the party lists. Indonesia's open-list proportional representation (PR) system is prohibitively expensive, and this hurts women candidates more than it does male candidates because women generally have less access to the capital necessary to purchase the top position on party lists.
      PubDate: 2020-09-01T00:00:00.000Z
      DOI: 10.1017/S1743923X19000321
      Issue No: Vol. 16, No. 3 (2020)
  • A Feminine Advantage' Delineating the Effects of Feminine Trait and
           Feminine Issue Messages on Evaluations of Female Candidates
    • Authors: Nichole M. Bauer
      Pages: 660 - 680
      Abstract: Current scholarship offers conflicting conclusions about whether female candidates have a feminine advantage or a disadvantage. Previous work does not consider whether voters respond similarly to all types of messages that might emphasize feminine stereotypes, such as feminine trait and feminine issue messages. I argue that voters will respond differently to trait-based feminine messages relative to issue-based feminine messages. I test the effects of trait-based and issue-based feminine messages through two survey experiments. The results consistently show that emphasizing feminine traits harms female candidates, whereas emphasizing feminine issues helps female candidates. I use role congruity theory to argue that feminine traits activate feminine stereotypes about women, and feminine issues do not activate these stereotypes. I also show that trait-based and issue-based feminine messages affect Democratic and Republican female candidates in very different ways. These results have implications for the ability of women to win elected office and reverse the pervasive underrepresentation of women in politics.
      PubDate: 2020-09-01T00:00:00.000Z
      DOI: 10.1017/S1743923X19000084
      Issue No: Vol. 16, No. 3 (2020)
  • Public Support for Increasing Women and Minority MPs
    • Authors: Catherine Bolzendahl; Hilde Coffé
      Pages: 681 - 710
      Abstract: Most democracies fail to provide equal representation and tend to have an overrepresentation of men from the upper class and the majority racial or ethnic group. We investigate public support for increasing the number of women and indigenous Māori members of parliament (MPs) in the New Zealand Parliament, both in general and through specific mechanisms such as quotas and reserved seats. We offer three explanations: descriptive (group identity), substantive (issue alignment), and symbolic (socioeconomic and political equity concerns). Using data from the 2014 New Zealand Election Study, we found that shared identity (descriptive) matters for all measures of increased representation, but especially for Māori respondent support of increased Māori MPs. Support for increasing the proportion of Māori MPs is also strongly driven by substantive concerns, as measured by support for keeping the Treaty of Waitangi in law. Support for increasing the number of women MPs is driven most strongly by symbolic concerns (measured as increased government social spending and efforts to reduce income differences). Overall, respondents favor retaining the current number of reserved seats for Māori MP representation, whereas informal efforts (rather than quotas) are strongly preferred for increasing the number of women MPs.
      PubDate: 2020-09-01T00:00:00.000Z
      DOI: 10.1017/S1743923X19000217
      Issue No: Vol. 16, No. 3 (2020)
  • Bargain Shopping: How Candidate Sex Lowers the Cost of Voting
    • Authors: Heather L. Ondercin; Sarah A. Fulton
      Pages: 711 - 737
      Abstract: Previous research shows that candidate sex serves as a heuristic that lessens the informational burden of political decision making. Building upon this research, we investigate the heuristic effects of candidate sex on the decision to turnout to vote in an election. We posit that by providing ideological and nonideological information about the candidates, candidate sex serves as an informational shortcut that reduces the costs associated with voting and enhances the likelihood of voting in elections when a female candidate is present. Our expectations are supported, even after controlling for a variety of individual-, candidate- and district-level characteristics that are correlated with turnout. Individuals are more likely to turnout in elections featuring a woman candidate, and consistent with our expectations, these effects are especially strong for female Democrats, whose sex and party heuristics convey a consistent “liberal” cue. Our research offers theoretical and empirical contributions to the literature on gender, candidate heuristics, and voter turnout.
      PubDate: 2020-09-01T00:00:00.000Z
      DOI: 10.1017/S1743923X19000254
      Issue No: Vol. 16, No. 3 (2020)
  • The Consequences of Quotas: Assessing the Effect of Varied Gender Quotas
           on Legislator Experience in the European Parliament
    • Authors: Andrea S. Aldrich; William T. Daniel
      Pages: 738 - 767
      Abstract: This article explores the consequences of quotas on the level of diversity observed in legislators’ professional and political experience. We examine how party system and electoral system features that are meant to favor female representation, such as gender quotas for candidate selection or placement mandates on electoral lists, affect the composition of legislatures by altering the mix of professional and political qualifications held by its members. Using data collected for all legislators initially seated to the current session of the European Parliament, one of the largest and most diverse democratically elected legislatures in the world, we find that quotas eliminate gendered differences in experience within the institution, particularly when used in conjunction with placement mandates that ensure female candidates are featured on electoral lists in viable positions. Electoral institutions can generally help to “level the playing field” between the backgrounds of men and women in elected office while increasing the presence of desirable qualities among European Parliament representatives of both genders.
      PubDate: 2020-09-01T00:00:00.000Z
      DOI: 10.1017/S1743923X19000291
      Issue No: Vol. 16, No. 3 (2020)
  • Within-Party Sex Gaps in Expenditure Preferences among Flemish Local
    • Authors: Caroline Slegten; Bruno Heyndels
      Pages: 768 - 791
      Abstract: The sex gap in politics is widely documented: women tend to support left-wing parties more than men do. Evidence of this observation was recently supplemented by the identification of a within-party sex gap: within parties, female voters and politicians tend to take more left-wing positions. While this research typically limits itself to one policy area or one political party, we provide more broad-based evidence of within-party sex gaps among Flemish local politicians by covering a broad set of policy domains and six political parties. Our focus is on expenditure preferences. Analyzing stated preferences of 1,055 council members, we find that—across parties—female politicians have more leftist preferences than their male colleagues in six out of eight policy domains. Crucially, sex differences also occur within parties. We identify significant within-party sex gaps in four out of eight policy domains. Female representatives express preferences that are more left wing than their male colleagues with respect to public spending on crime, culture, and welfare. For environmental spending, they take a more right-wing position.
      PubDate: 2020-09-01T00:00:00.000Z
      DOI: 10.1017/S1743923X18000685
      Issue No: Vol. 16, No. 3 (2020)
  • Influencing Elite Opinion on Gender Equality through Framing: A Survey
           Experiment of Elite Support for Corporate Board Gender Quotas
    • Authors: Mari Teigen; Rune Karlsen
      Pages: 792 - 815
      Abstract: This article contributes to both the scholarly debates on the controversies over gender quotas and the body of knowledge on framing effects through an investigation of whether national elites, individuals in top positions across 10 sectors of Norwegian society, are susceptible to positive framing of corporate board gender quotas (CBQs). Elites are thought to be more resistant to framing, and their predispositions are found to be stronger and more consistent than those of the general public. However, few, if any, studies have empirically investigated framing effects on national elites. We report on an experiment embedded in a comprehensive survey of Norwegian national elites. The results clearly indicate that elites are susceptible to framing. When exposed to frames highlighting both male dominance among the business elite and the success of CBQs in achieving gender balance on corporate boards, elites were significantly more likely to support gender quotas. Framing effects were primarily found among men, not women, and contrary to expectation, effects were stronger among the business elite. Thus, we should direct our attention to how the framing of issues also influences key stakeholders, and policy makers should consider opposition to gender equality measures as something that has the propensity to change.
      PubDate: 2020-09-01T00:00:00.000Z
      DOI: 10.1017/S1743923X19000060
      Issue No: Vol. 16, No. 3 (2020)
  • Gender Politics in the Lobbying Profession
    • Authors: Timothy M. LaPira; Kathleen Marchetti, Herschel F. Thomas
      Pages: 816 - 844
      Abstract: Although political scientists have increasingly focused on the role of gender in the policy process and the characteristics of individual lobbyists, little is known about the gender politics of the government relations profession. We extend the study of professional women to the unique political context of Washington, DC, lobbying, an important form of political participation that is understudied in terms of gender. Using data from more than 25,000 individuals registered to lobby the federal government from 2008 to 2015, we show that women account for 37% of the lobbyist population in Washington, that female lobbyists are more likely to work as in-house employees than for contract lobbying firms, and that the largest Washington lobbying firms are strongly biased towards employing men. We add to these findings qualitative data from in-depth interviews with 23 lobbyists to reveal how the professional experiences of women often depend on the idiosyncrasies of lobbying employment and the political nature of their work. We conclude that the underrepresentation of women in the professional lobbying community is an underappreciated problem with broader implications for gender equality in elite political participation.
      PubDate: 2020-09-01T00:00:00.000Z
      DOI: 10.1017/S1743923X19000229
      Issue No: Vol. 16, No. 3 (2020)
  • Reflections on Positionalities in Social Science Fieldwork in Northern
           Botswana: A Call for Decolonizing Research
    • Authors: Annette Alfina LaRocco; Jamie E. Shinn, Kentse Madise
      Pages: 845 - 873
      Abstract: In this article, two white, Western female researchers reflect on the methodological, ethical, and practical dilemmas experienced while conducting social science fieldwork in Botswana for their doctoral degrees. In addition, their shared research assistant examines her role as a social and cultural interlocutor, which was essential to the researchers’ successful navigation in their various field sites. Drawing on distinct but common experiences conducting research in northern and western regions of rural Botswana, the authors reflexively consider a series of interwoven issues tied to their positionalities: the disparity in benefits and return on research investment between the researcher and research participants; the nature of commodified or transactional relations, especially in an impoverished region highly dependent on foreign tourists; the complex nature of researcher–research assistant relationships; and the contradictory dynamics of being female researchers in a patriarchal society while also embodying privileges of whiteness and Western nationality. Building on these reflections, the authors engage with current debates in the social sciences to argue that researcher reflexivity is not an adequate end point and should result in engagement with ethical and epistemological questions regarding the decolonization of research practices more broadly.
      PubDate: 2020-09-01T00:00:00.000Z
      DOI: 10.1017/S1743923X19000059
      Issue No: Vol. 16, No. 3 (2020)
  • The Women's Movement in Timor-Leste and Potential for Social Change
    • Authors: Sara Louise Niner; Hannah Loney
      Pages: 874 - 902
      Abstract: The postconflict period in Timor-Leste is significant for the status of women and the struggle for gender equality. Women today face cultural and political pressure to conform to patriarchal demands, driven by a complex history of conflict, colonialism and changing customary practices. The contemporary East Timorese women's movement, largely a coalition of local NGOs, key women leaders and parliamentarians, has successfully driven the introduction of progressive egalitarian laws and policy, but it continues to grapple with the deeper changes in social practices required for systemic change. We argue that a better understanding of the history of the women's movement, forged within an anticolonial, nationalist independence movement, alongside a conceptualization of the intersecting structures that have shaped the capacity for East Timorese women to effect social change in their communities and nation, is necessary to fully realize the movement's goals and potential. Situating the movement within this framework provides new perspectives on these successes and on strategizing for the transformation of gender relations to make gender equality a lasting reality in everyday practice in contemporary Timor-Leste.
      PubDate: 2020-09-01T00:00:00.000Z
      DOI: 10.1017/S1743923X19000230
      Issue No: Vol. 16, No. 3 (2020)
  • Promoting Gender Equality through Party Funding: Symbolic Policies at Work
           in Italy
    • Authors: Francesca Feo; Daniela R. Piccio
      Pages: 903 - 929
      Abstract: Given the growing importance of state subsidies as a source of party income, several countries have introduced policies that link the provision of party funding to the promotion of gender equality in political representation. Variations in the assignment of public funding—that is, financial incentives and cuts—are increasingly employed to promote equal gender participation in intraparty politics and in public office. However, we know little about why and how these equality promotion policies have been adopted in different countries, how they work in practice, and, most importantly, what effects they have on women's representation. To contribute to this debate, after embedding gender-targeted public funding regulations in the broader set of political representation policies and presenting a comparative overview of existing rules in the European Union, the article concentrates on the Italian case. We examine the evolution of Italian regulation of gender electoral financing and the extent to which the Italian parties have complied with the rules over time. The results show that this set of policy instruments, when poorly designed, is nothing more than symbolic policy. The lack of appropriate mechanisms for sanctions and rewards, which can induce parties to change their behavior, has hampered the effectiveness of these policy measures.
      PubDate: 2020-09-01T00:00:00.000Z
      DOI: 10.1017/S1743923X19000308
      Issue No: Vol. 16, No. 3 (2020)
  • Reflections on Positionalities in Social Science Fieldwork in Northern
           Botswana: A call for decolonizing research – ADDENDUM
    • Authors: Annette Alfina LaRocco; Jamie E. Shinn, Kentse Madise
      Pages: 930 - 931
      PubDate: 2020-09-01T00:00:00.000Z
      DOI: 10.1017/S1743923X19000734
      Issue No: Vol. 16, No. 3 (2020)
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