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Publisher: SciELO   (Total: 726 journals)

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Showing 1 - 200 of 726 Journals sorted alphabetically
ABCD. Arquivos Brasileiros de Cirurgia Digestiva     Open Access   (Followers: 2, SJR: 0.207, CiteScore: 1)
ACIMED     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Acta Agronómica     Open Access  
Acta Amazonica     Open Access   (Followers: 6, SJR: 0.36, CiteScore: 1)
Acta Bioethica     Open Access   (SJR: 0.196, CiteScore: 0)
Acta Botanica Brasilica     Open Access   (Followers: 3, SJR: 0.325, CiteScore: 1)
Acta botánica mexicana     Open Access   (Followers: 1, SJR: 0.212, CiteScore: 0)
Acta Cirurgica Brasileira     Open Access   (SJR: 0.395, CiteScore: 1)
Acta Limnologica Brasiliensia     Open Access   (Followers: 3, SJR: 0.28, CiteScore: 1)
Acta Literaria     Open Access   (Followers: 4, SJR: 0.1, CiteScore: 0)
Acta Medica Colombiana     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Acta Médica Costarricense     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
Acta Neurológica Colombiana     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
Acta Ortopédica Brasileira     Open Access   (Followers: 1, SJR: 0.343, CiteScore: 1)
Acta Paulista de Enfermagem     Open Access   (Followers: 2, SJR: 0.275, CiteScore: 1)
Acta Pediátrica Costarricense     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Acta Scientiarum. Agronomy     Open Access   (Followers: 6, SJR: 0.431, CiteScore: 1)
Acta zoológica mexicana     Open Access  
Actualidades Biológicas     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
African Human Rights Law J.     Open Access   (Followers: 17)
African Natural History     Open Access   (Followers: 2, SJR: 0.198, CiteScore: 1)
Afro-Asia     Open Access  
Ágora - studies in psychoanalytic theory     Open Access   (Followers: 3, SJR: 0.132, CiteScore: 0)
Agricultura Tecnica     Open Access   (Followers: 5)
Agrociencia     Open Access   (Followers: 1, SJR: 0.2, CiteScore: 0)
Agrociencia Uruguay     Open Access  
Agronomía Mesoamericana     Open Access  
Aisthesis     Open Access   (Followers: 7, SJR: 0.106, CiteScore: 0)
Alea : Estudos Neolatinos     Open Access   (Followers: 2, SJR: 0.1, CiteScore: 0)
Alfa : Revista de Linguística     Open Access  
Alpha (Osorno)     Open Access   (SJR: 0.138, CiteScore: 0)
Ambiente & sociedade     Open Access   (Followers: 3, SJR: 0.235, CiteScore: 0)
Ambiente & Agua : An Interdisciplinary J. of Applied Science     Open Access   (Followers: 1, SJR: 0.263, CiteScore: 1)
Ambiente Construído     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
América Latina en la historia económica     Open Access   (Followers: 4, SJR: 0.134, CiteScore: 0)
Anais Brasileiros de Dermatologia     Open Access   (Followers: 3, SJR: 0.52, CiteScore: 1)
Anais da Academia Brasileira de Ciências     Open Access   (Followers: 2, SJR: 0.418, CiteScore: 1)
Anais do Museu Paulista : História e Cultura Material     Open Access  
Anales de Medicina Interna     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Anales del Instituto de la Patagonia     Open Access  
Anales del Sistema Sanitario de Navarra     Open Access   (Followers: 1, SJR: 0.157, CiteScore: 0)
Análise Psicológica     Open Access   (Followers: 1, SJR: 0.16, CiteScore: 0)
Análise Social     Open Access   (Followers: 3, SJR: 0.16, CiteScore: 0)
Andean geology     Open Access   (Followers: 9, SJR: 0.674, CiteScore: 1)
Antipoda. Revista de Antropología y Arqueología     Open Access   (Followers: 5, SJR: 0.135, CiteScore: 0)
Anuario Colombiano de Historia Social y de la Cultura     Open Access   (SJR: 0.1, CiteScore: 0)
Anuario de Historia Regional y de las Fronteras     Open Access  
Apuntes : Revista de Estudios sobre Patrimonio Cultural - J. of Cultural Heritage Studies     Open Access   (Followers: 6)
Archivos de Medicina Veterinaria     Open Access   (Followers: 1, SJR: 0.194, CiteScore: 0)
Archivos de Neurociencias     Open Access   (Followers: 3, SJR: 0.111, CiteScore: 0)
Archivos de Pediatria del Uruguay     Open Access   (Followers: 3)
Archivos de Zootecnia     Open Access   (Followers: 1, SJR: 0.202, CiteScore: 0)
Archivos Españoles de Urología     Open Access   (SJR: 0.178, CiteScore: 0)
Argos     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
ARQ     Open Access   (Followers: 6, SJR: 0.113, CiteScore: 0)
Arquitectura y Urbanismo     Open Access   (Followers: 3)
Arquivo Brasileiro de Medicina Veterinária e Zootecnia     Open Access   (SJR: 0.248, CiteScore: 0)
Arquivos Brasileiros de Cardiologia     Open Access   (Followers: 1, SJR: 0.381, CiteScore: 1)
Arquivos Brasileiros de Endocrinologia e Metabologia     Open Access  
Arquivos Brasileiros de Oftalmologia     Open Access   (Followers: 1, SJR: 0.518, CiteScore: 1)
Arquivos de Gastroenterologia     Open Access   (Followers: 1, SJR: 0.396, CiteScore: 1)
Arquivos de Medicina     Open Access  
Arquivos de Neuro-Psiquiatria     Open Access   (SJR: 0.448, CiteScore: 1)
Arquivos do Instituto Biológico     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Arquivos Internacionais de Otorrinolaringologia     Open Access  
ARS     Open Access   (Followers: 3)
Atenea (Concepción)     Open Access   (SJR: 0.112, CiteScore: 0)
Atmósfera     Open Access   (Followers: 2, SJR: 0.449, CiteScore: 1)
Audiology - Communication Research     Open Access   (Followers: 10)
Avaliação : Revista da Avaliação da Educação Superior (Campinas)     Open Access  
Avances en Enfermería     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
Avances en Odontoestomatologia     Open Access   (SJR: 0.105, CiteScore: 0)
Avances en Periodoncia e Implantología Oral     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Bakhtiniana : Revista de Estudos do Discurso     Open Access   (SJR: 0.103, CiteScore: 0)
BAR. Brazilian Administration Review     Open Access   (Followers: 1, SJR: 0.137, CiteScore: 0)
Biota Neotropica     Open Access   (SJR: 0.381, CiteScore: 1)
Biotecnología Aplicada     Open Access   (SJR: 0.146, CiteScore: 0)
Biotecnología en el Sector Agropecuario y Agroindustrial     Open Access  
Boletim de Ciências Geodésicas     Open Access   (SJR: 0.188, CiteScore: 0)
Boletim do Museu Paraense Emílio Goeldi. Ciências Humanas     Open Access   (Followers: 1, SJR: 0.238, CiteScore: 0)
Boletin Chileno de Parasitologia     Open Access  
Boletín de Filología     Open Access  
Boletín de la Sociedad Botánica de México     Open Access  
Boletin de la Sociedad Chilena de Quimica     Open Access  
Boletín de la Sociedad Geológica Mexicana     Open Access   (SJR: 0.291, CiteScore: 1)
Boletín del Museo Chileno de Arte Precolombino     Open Access   (Followers: 1, SJR: 0.233, CiteScore: 0)
Bosque     Open Access   (Followers: 2, SJR: 0.29, CiteScore: 1)
Bragantia     Open Access   (Followers: 2, SJR: 0.555, CiteScore: 1)
Brazilian Archives of Biology and Technology     Open Access   (Followers: 3, SJR: 0.281, CiteScore: 1)
Brazilian Dental J.     Open Access   (Followers: 3, SJR: 0.476, CiteScore: 1)
Brazilian J. of Biology     Open Access   (Followers: 3, SJR: 0.523, CiteScore: 1)
Brazilian J. of Chemical Engineering     Open Access   (Followers: 5, SJR: 0.395, CiteScore: 1)
Brazilian J. of Food Technology     Open Access   (Followers: 3, SJR: 0.206, CiteScore: 0)
Brazilian J. of Medical and Biological Research     Open Access   (SJR: 0.611, CiteScore: 2)
Brazilian J. of Microbiology     Open Access   (Followers: 4, SJR: 0.63, CiteScore: 2)
Brazilian J. of Oceanography     Open Access   (Followers: 1, SJR: 0.425, CiteScore: 1)
Brazilian J. of Oral Sciences     Open Access   (Followers: 2, SJR: 0.131, CiteScore: 0)
Brazilian J. of Physical Therapy     Open Access   (SJR: 0.802, CiteScore: 2)
Brazilian J. of Plant Physiology     Open Access   (Followers: 3, SJR: 1.178, CiteScore: 3)
Brazilian J. of Veterinary Research and Animal Science     Open Access   (Followers: 8, SJR: 0.225, CiteScore: 0)
Brazilian Oral Research     Open Access  
Brazilian Political Science Review     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
Caderno CRH     Open Access   (Followers: 3, SJR: 0.233, CiteScore: 0)
Caderno de Estudos     Open Access  
Cadernos CEDES     Open Access   (Followers: 1, SJR: 0.119, CiteScore: 0)
Cadernos de Pesquisa     Open Access   (Followers: 2, SJR: 0.183, CiteScore: 0)
Cadernos de Saúde Pública     Open Access   (Followers: 1, SJR: 0.568, CiteScore: 1)
Cadernos de Tradução     Open Access  
Cadernos Metrópole     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Cadernos Nietzsche     Open Access  
Cadernos Pagu     Open Access   (SJR: 0.356, CiteScore: 0)
Cadernos Saúde Coletiva     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Caldasia     Open Access   (SJR: 0.195, CiteScore: 0)
Calidad en la educación     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Case Reports     Open Access  
Cerâmica     Open Access   (Followers: 5, SJR: 0.186, CiteScore: 0)
CES Medicina     Open Access  
Chilean J. of Agricultural Research     Open Access   (Followers: 1, SJR: 0.377, CiteScore: 1)
Chungara (Arica) - Revista de Antropologia Chilena     Open Access   (Followers: 1, SJR: 0.565, CiteScore: 1)
Ciência & Educação (Bauru)     Open Access  
Ciência & Saúde Coletiva     Open Access   (Followers: 2, SJR: 0.566, CiteScore: 1)
Ciência Animal Brasileira     Open Access   (Followers: 1, SJR: 0.216, CiteScore: 0)
Ciência da Informação     Open Access   (Followers: 1, SJR: 0.121, CiteScore: 0)
Ciencia del suelo     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
Ciência e Agrotecnologia     Open Access   (SJR: 0.383, CiteScore: 1)
Ciencia e Cultura     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Ciencia e investigación agraria     Open Access   (Followers: 1, SJR: 0.211, CiteScore: 0)
Ciencia forestal en México     Open Access  
Ciência Rural     Open Access   (Followers: 2, SJR: 0.337, CiteScore: 1)
Ciencia y Enfermeria - Revista Iberoamericana de Investigacion     Open Access   (Followers: 3, SJR: 0.158, CiteScore: 0)
Ciencias Marinas     Open Access   (Followers: 2, SJR: 0.414, CiteScore: 1)
Ciencias Psicológicas     Open Access  
Cirugia Plastica Ibero-Latinoamericana     Open Access   (SJR: 0.166, CiteScore: 0)
CLEI Electronic J.     Open Access  
Clínica y Salud     Open Access   (SJR: 0.173, CiteScore: 0)
Clinics     Open Access   (SJR: 0.536, CiteScore: 1)
CoDAS     Open Access   (SJR: 0.267, CiteScore: 0)
Computación y Sistemas     Open Access   (SJR: 0.226, CiteScore: 1)
Comuni@cción     Open Access  
Comunicación y sociedad     Open Access   (Followers: 2, SJR: 0.327, CiteScore: 0)
Contaduría y Administración     Open Access   (SJR: 0.219, CiteScore: 0)
Contexto Internacional     Open Access  
Convergencia     Open Access   (Followers: 3, SJR: 0.196, CiteScore: 0)
Correo Científico Médico     Open Access  
Corrosão e Protecção de Materiais     Open Access  
Crop Breeding and Applied Biotechnology     Open Access   (Followers: 3, SJR: 0.609, CiteScore: 1)
Cuadernos de Administración (Universidad del Valle)     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
Cuadernos de Economía     Open Access   (SJR: 0.115, CiteScore: 0)
Cuadernos de Economía     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
Cuadernos de Economia - Latin American J. of Economics     Open Access   (Followers: 3)
Cuadernos de Historia     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Cuadernos de Historia de la Salud Publica     Open Access  
Cuadernos de Medicina Forense     Open Access   (Followers: 2, SJR: 0.1, CiteScore: 0)
Cuadernos.info     Open Access   (SJR: 0.38, CiteScore: 0)
Cubo. A Mathematical J.     Open Access  
Cuicuilco     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Cultivos Tropicales     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Culturales     Open Access   (Followers: 3)
Dados - Revista de Ciências Sociais     Open Access   (SJR: 0.37, CiteScore: 0)
De Jure     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
DELTA : Documentação de Estudos em Lingüística Teórica e Aplicada     Open Access   (SJR: 0.133, CiteScore: 0)
Dementia & Neuropsychologia     Open Access   (Followers: 9, SJR: 0.205, CiteScore: 0)
Dental Press J. of Orthodontics     Open Access   (Followers: 3, SJR: 0.489, CiteScore: 1)
Desacatos     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Desarrollo y Sociedad     Open Access   (Followers: 3, SJR: 0.109, CiteScore: 0)
Diálogo Andino - Revista de Historia, Geografía y Cultura Andina     Open Access   (Followers: 1, SJR: 0.116, CiteScore: 0)
Diánoia     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Dimensión Empresarial     Open Access  
Dynamis : Acta Hispanica ad Medicinae Scientiarumque Historiam Illustrandam     Open Access   (Followers: 2, SJR: 0.131, CiteScore: 0)
e-J. of Portuguese History     Open Access   (Followers: 2, SJR: 0.101, CiteScore: 0)
Eclética Química     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Ecología en Bolivia     Open Access  
Economia Aplicada     Open Access   (SJR: 0.208, CiteScore: 0)
Economia e Sociedade     Open Access  
EconoQuantum     Open Access  
Educação & Sociedade     Open Access   (Followers: 3)
Educação e Pesquisa     Open Access   (Followers: 1, SJR: 0.163, CiteScore: 0)
Educação em Revista     Open Access  
Educación Matemática     Open Access  
Educación Médica     Open Access   (Followers: 1, SJR: 0.236, CiteScore: 0)
Educación Médica Superior     Open Access   (Followers: 1, SJR: 0.237, CiteScore: 0)
Educación y Educadores     Open Access  
Educar em Revista     Open Access  
EDUMECENTRO     Open Access  
En-Claves del pensamiento     Open Access   (Followers: 1, SJR: 0.194, CiteScore: 0)
Encuentros     Open Access  
Ene : Revista de Enfermería     Open Access  
Enfermería Global     Open Access   (Followers: 3, SJR: 0.165, CiteScore: 0)
Enfermería Nefrológica     Open Access   (Followers: 1, SJR: 0.198, CiteScore: 0)
Enfoques     Open Access  
Engenharia Agrícola     Open Access   (SJR: 0.305, CiteScore: 1)
Engenharia Sanitaria e Ambiental     Open Access   (SJR: 0.218, CiteScore: 0)
Ensaio Avaliação e Políticas Públicas em Educação     Open Access   (Followers: 1, SJR: 0.254, CiteScore: 0)
Entomologia y Vectores     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
Escritos de Psicología : Psychological Writings     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
Estudios Atacameños     Open Access   (Followers: 2, SJR: 0.446, CiteScore: 1)
Estudios Constitucionales     Open Access   (Followers: 5, SJR: 0.319, CiteScore: 0)
Estudios de Cultura Maya     Open Access   (Followers: 2, SJR: 0.272, CiteScore: 0)
Estudios de Economía     Open Access   (SJR: 0.121, CiteScore: 0)
Estudios de historia moderna y contemporánea de México     Open Access   (SJR: 0.101, CiteScore: 0)

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Journal Cover
Tydskrif vir Geesteswetenskappe
Journal Prestige (SJR): 0.193
Number of Followers: 0  

  This is an Open Access Journal Open Access journal
ISSN (Print) 0041-4751
Published by SciELO Homepage  [726 journals]
  • Contemporary philosophy of religion: An introduction

    • Abstract: Dit essay beoogt de mogelijkheden van een hedendaagse godsdienstfilosofie aan te tonen. Het geeft de lotgevallen weer van de Derridiaanse deconstructie in het hedendaagse intellectuele veld, met name door het denken van Martin Hägglund en John D. Caputo weer te geven, die respectievelijk een atheïstische en een theologische lezing van Derrida bieden. Dit artikel stelt een alternatief voor. In het denken van de vergeten filosoof Ludwig Binswanger, en diens fenomenologie van de liefde worden antwoorden gevonden op verschillende vragen die in de hedendaagse continentale filosofie worden gesteld. Binswangers fenomenologie biedt immers een empirische-transcendentale methode die zo de gebreken van zowel de deconstructie als de fenomenologische methode aanpakt. Binswangers ontologie van het groeten, tot slot, wordt hier geïnterpreteerd als een hedendaagse godsdienstfilosofie die, net omwille van haar ontologische stellingname, verschilt van veel gestalten die de hedendaagse theologie aanneemt.This essay shows the possibilities of a contemporary continental philosophy of religion. It addresses the fate ofdeconstruction in contemporary scholarship through the writing of Martin Hägglund and John D. Caputo, who have respectively proposed an atheist and a theological reading of Jacques Derrida's thinking of deconstruction. As an alternative, the essay offers an interpretation of Ludwig Binswanger's phenomenology of love, whose empirical-transcendental method addresses many of the shortcomings in contemporary deconstructive and phenomenological scholarship. Binswanger's thinking is compared to other authors in the contemporary debate. Binswanger's ontology of the greeting in being is, moreover, interpreted here as the framework for a contemporary philosophy of religion in its difference from both contemporary theology and atheism. The article does this by presenting the major players in continental philosophy of religion and by navigating their views. It begins with Derrida's critique of Jean-Luc Nancy's deconstruction of Christianity. Derrida advised Nancy to think with and alongside the Christian and philosophical tradition rather than against it or to pretend to be able to do without this tradition. In short, Derrida's advice to Nancy - a "salut without salvation" - is reminding Nancy of the Promethean trait of his deconstruction of Christianity whereas, in fact, Derrida points out that this deconstruction is rather somewhat like a modern Munchausen: at the very moment it thinks it is reading this tradition against the tradition, it is all the more sinking and seeking within this very tradition. This is, if you like, Derrida's explanation of why both "theists" - God is (this or that) - and "atheists" - God is not and certainly not (this or that) - have a hard time today. Still, a deconstruction of Christianity necessitates an overcoming of the simple theism-atheism distinction, and their respective rather propositional truths, by finding the common ground from which both "theists" and "atheists" can welcome and greet one another and think together. Derrida, Nancy and Caputo find such a common ground in an "elementary faith". This elementary faith is close to the "intersubjective curvature" in being that Levinas mentioned in Totality and Infinity: the fact, if not facticity, that it takes two (or more) for there being any sense, signification at all. Such a faith, then, would be prior to the particular beliefs of a given culture or religion. "In the beginning", then, is the salutation, an elemental and originary coram that does not decide for or against religion even when it is the milieu of the religious where religion begins - the "secondsource" of religion (Derrida). For, even if one concedes a "non-ethical opening of ethics" (Hägglund), this opening remains constituted by an originary coram, by a tending toward otherness and toward the other. This would mean that one could align somewhat Derrida, Levinas, Nancy and Binswanger on precisely this point: prior to the religious address that is prayer (a Dieu), the address that is ethics (presupposing that the other is good and "respects" me - Levinas), the address that is non-ethical (the other might just as well be a bad other that does not "respect" me -Hägglund), there would be an ontological salutation in being, through which all beings, eventually, are turned towards all beings. This ontology, the greeting present in everything we say, do and think, is again an ontology incarnate: it is attested to in the "coming and the going", in the Wink we give to others. Yet as the phenomenon of love in Binswanger has shown us the passage through the empirical to the transcendental, so too Binswanger shows us how to think this elementaryfaith together with the particular empirical beliefs held dear by religion.
       
  • The ecological crisis, capitalist economy and techno-optimism

    • Abstract: Hierdie artikel poog om die problematiek rondom die verhouding tussen die huidige, groeiende ekologiese krisis - waarskynlik die grootste krisis in menslike geskiedenis - en die dominante ekonomiese praktyk van neoliberale kapitalisme in perspektief te stel. Eerstens word die ekologiese krisis in bondige terme geskets, met verwysing na getuienis hiervan in die vrylik-beskikbare, groeiende wetenskaplike en ander literatuur, wat onteenseglike aanduiding is van die bestaan van sodanige krisis. Daarna word die verhouding tussen hierdie toedrag van sake en die kapitalistiese beginsel van grenslose ekonomiese groei aan die orde gestel, in die lig van die stelling dat onbeteuelde ekonomiese groei nie binne 'n eindige ekologiese sisteem moontlik is nie. Bowendien het die uitwerking van ongebreidelde ekonomiese groei onder kapitalisme demonstreerbare, vernietigende gevolge vir die omvattende eko-sisteem, soos wat dit waargeneem kan word in die veranderinge wat daar reeds in sommige "aardprosesse", soos oseaanversuring, globale verwarming, spesie-uitsterwing, en so meer, plaasvind. Daar word uitgebrei op die gevolge hiervan vir die voortgesette bestaan van lewende wesens op aarde. Ten einde die gronde van die ekologiese krisis beter te verstaan, word die kwessie van wydverspreide tegno-optimisme vervolgens ondersoek, in die oortuiging dat daar 'n verband is tussen genoemde krisis en die obsessie met tegnologie wat die huidige era kenmerk. Ter afsluiting word besin oor wat die huidige toedrag van sake filosofies impliseer sover dit die moontlike uitsterwing van die mensdom en ander lewende wesens betref.This article is an attempt to put into perspective the complex relationships pertaining to the role of the currently dominant economic practice of neoliberal capitalism, as well as of the pervasive technophilia in global societies, in the growing ecological crisis - probably the most serious crisis that has faced humanity in its entire collective existence. In the first place, to answer the question, whether there is an ecological crisis - not a rhetorical question, given the relative success of denialist attempts to discredit affirmative claims in this regard - a succinct account of the state of natural ecological systems on planet Earth is provided, with reference to evidence to this effect in the freely accessible, growing scientific and critical literature. This literature includes the fifth (and most recent) report of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, which has confirmed the high probability (the highest possible scientific affirmation) that anthropogenic climate change has been happening for some time, and has already harmed planetary ecologies, including human ones. Further (critical) affirmation of the ecological crisis in the work of leading thinkers is adduced and discussed, including that of Joel Kovel, Naomi Klein, John Bellamy Foster and Thomas Princen, with a view to demonstrating the seriousness of the global situation by highlighting the extent to which "natural" states of affairs - regarding Earth processes such as global warming, ocean acidification, species extinction and chemical pollution - are approaching "red alert" status. Despite this scientifically demonstrable fact, neoconservative capitalist forces continue promoting a denialist agenda, while simultaneously (and contradictorily) - as Klein shows persuasively - preparing for "extreme climate events" with a view to making a profit out of them at several levels, including those of insurance and para-military intervention for restoring social order. Secondly, the causal relationship between the scientifically confirmed state of planetary ecosystems and the economic system and practices of neoliberal (consumer) capitalism is addressed, specifically in the light of the principle, that unbridled economic growth is not possible within a finite, but encompassing, ecological system, the former being only a part of the latter. Hence the demonstrable deleterious effects of unregulated economic growth on ecosystems, as perceptible in the Earth processes referred to. The consequences of this type of growth for living beings are highlighted, and some of the economic drivers of ecological degradation are identified. These include the increase in fuel-guzzling motor cars and in air traffic, coal-production, natural gas-production, and the decimation of oxygen-producing trees. The character of capitalism and of capital - the widely misunderstood process at its core - is articulated, pointing out that capital is subject to the iron law of "grow or die". The link between the character of capitalism and the people who are its agents is explored, and an analogy between the "symbiotic" functioning of capital in society, on the one hand, and the symbiotic relationship between mitochondria and the human body, on the other hand, is utilised to illuminate the fact that capital, while retaining its own characteristics, nevertheless flourishes in society because, without its human agents, it cannot grow. In the third place, to be able to grasp the grounds of the looming ecological crisis more adequaletly, the focus shifts to the technophiliac, or techno-optimistic nature of contemporary society, by drawing on the work of (mainly) Martin Heidegger, Sherry Turkle, Bernard Stiegler and Gil Germain. Although Heidegger issued an early warning against a collective mindset that approached all problems within a technocratic framework, it is clear that the world has since become decisively technocratic, and that the widespread use of electronic technical devices reflects a pervasive technophilia. Turkle has shown that this has gone as far as people showing a remarkable (and to her alarming) tendency, ofpreferring the imagined simplicity of "relationships" with robotic beings to the complexity of human relationships. Moreover, there are clear signs, according to her, of the deterioration of children's ability to socialise with their peers, wh...
       
  • South Africa's water crisis - an interdisciplinary approach

    • Abstract: Suid-Afrika se toekoms word wesentlik bedreig deur 'n uiters beperkte water-hulpbron wat vanweë 'n lae reënvalsyfer en onvoorspelbare droogtes vergelyk kan word met van die droogste lande ter wêreld. Suid-Afrika het boonop 'n swak rekord van waterbesparing, die behandeling van afvalwater asook die instandhouding van waterinfrastruktuur. Hierdie gebreke lei tot groeiende kommer oor die land se beskikbare volume water, asook die gehalte daarvan. Die Nasionale Waterwet 36 van 1998 (NWW) is uitgevaardig met die primêre doel om die reg rakende Suid-Afrika se waterhulpbronne fundamenteel te verander. Die aanhef van die NWW verklaar dat water "'n skaars nasionale hulpbron is" en "'n natuurlike hulpbron is wat aan alle mense behoort". Artikel 3 van die NWW brei hierdie standpunt uit deur te bepaal dat alle watergebruiksregte onder die gesentraliseerde beheer van die nasionale regering as openbare trustee val om onder meer die verspreiding, bestuur, gebruik en bewaring van en gelyke toegang tot dié skaars hulpbron te verseker. Die inkorporering van die konsep van openbare trusteeskap het 'n paradigmaskuif in die waterreguleringsraamwerk meegebring, met die gevolg dat alle privaat regte in water afgeskaf is en dat alle water effektief genasionaliseer is. Ten spyte van hierdie statutêre hervorming dui beskikbare data daarop dat die toestand van waterhulpbronne in Suid-Afrika besig is om gaandeweg en voortdurend te verswak. Hierdie artikel het ten doel om te bepaal of die nuwe waterreguleringsraamwerk van Suid-Afrika, geskoei op die konsep van openbare trusteeskap, voldoende oplossings vir Suid-Afrika se groeiende waterkrisis bied. Die artikel ontleed derhalwe Suid-Afrika se waterreguleringsraamwerk, met spesifieke verwysing na die konsep van openbare trusteeskap. Die verswakkende toestand van die land se water word vervolgens bespreek, waarna die artikel afsluit met n gefundeerde opinie oor of die waterreguleringsraamwerk, geskoei op die konsep van openbare trusteeskap, geskik is om Suid-Afrika se waterhulpbron op n volhoubare en billike wyse te bestuur en te beskerm.Water is an essential but scarce resource. Worldwide, an estimated 663 million people do not have access to sufficient and safe water for domestic use, and the demand is on the increase. It is estimated that the world will have to cope with a 40 per cent water supply shortfall by 2030, which will unavoidably affect the availability of drinking water, sanitation and food production. South Africa faces a particularly gloomy water reality. Not only is South Africa plagued by severe drought conditions, but it also has a poor record of water conservation, outdated and inadequate water treatment infrastructure, and lingering concerns about the quality and degradation of the already limited volume of available water. South Africa's political history, characterised by a reality of unequal access to water, adds additional and unique challenges as far as water resource regulation is concerned. Following the advent of the constitutional era, a novel legal framework for water resources regulation was developed in South Africa. The National Water Act 36 of 1998 (NWA) was promulgated with the primary aim of reforming the law relating to water resources. The NWA broke new ground by inter alia introducing the concept of public trusteeship into the South African water law. Section 3 of the NWA provides that all water use rights fall under the centralised control of the state, or public trustee, to improve the distribution, management, use, conservation and equitability of access to this scarce resource. Although the concept of public trusteeship entered the South African legal realm without much fanfare, it fundamentally changed the foundation and regulatory practices of the South African water law dispensation. The water regulatory framework changed from one that linked access to water to land ownership and differentiated between private and public water, to a framework that applies to "all water " in South Africa and that acknowledges that the country's water "belongs to all people". Accordingly, the old system that provided for exclusive water use rights, and that was generally to the detriment of the majority of South Africans, has been replaced by a system that provides for water allowances granted at the discretion of government. The introduction of the notion of public trusteeship therefore denotes a major transformation in which existing property rights are re-defined. With this new system of the NWA, the South African government has effectively nationalised all of the nation's water resources. It has been almost 20 years since the transformation of South Africa's water regulatory framework, but the reality is that, despite the transformation brought about by the NWA, studies show a decline in the quantity and quality of South Africa's water resources. Adding to the problem that South Africa is a water scarce country, the demand for water is on the increase. Severe pollution such as the fact that approximately 4 billion litres of raw or partially purified sewage are discharged daily into South Africa's dams and rivers, as well as the widespread destruction of wetlands by mining and agricultural activities continue to impact negatively on the quality of the scarce water resource. One of the consequences of this is the growing presence of toxic blue-green algae in the water resources of South Africa, with an estimated 62per cent of aquatic bodies already contaminated with cyanobacteria - the highest incidence in the world. In light of this water crisis, some may argue that the new regulatory framework, with its statutory objectives and strategies, is flawed. In order to determine whether the new regulatory framework for South Africa's water resources is indeedflawed, or whether the NWA is rather a beacon of hope amid the country's water crisis, this article analyses the novel water regulatory framework with spec...
       
  • Moral leadership necessary for reconciliation - applied to the
           Israel-Palestinian conflict

    • Abstract: Hierdie artikel poog om uit te wys dat versoening, veral in konflik-geteisterde gebiede, moeilik is sonder morele leierskap. Morele leierskap moet egter in lyn met sekere biologiese kerndrywers, soos evolusionêr in die mens bepaal, gebring word. Waar dit nie in lyn hiermee is nie, is transformasie op die langtermyn nie werklik moontlik nie. In die lig hiervan word daar stilgestaan by versoening wat onontbeerlik is as ons menslik wil saamleef. Binne hierdie raamwerk van morele leierskap asook versoening word die historiese en eietydse perspektief op die konflik tussen die Israeli's en Palestyne in oënskou geneem en hoe hierdie morele leierskapsmodel, geïntegreerd hiermee, moontlik kan help om, in lyn met internasionale wetgewing en menseregte (alhoewel dit nie bespreek word nie) vrede en versoening in hierdie eeue-oue Midde-Oosterse konflik-geteisterde gebied te bring. Hierdie model word ook baie kortliks met sekere etiese teorieë en beginsels in verband gebring.This article seeks to show that reconciliation, especially in conflict-stricken areas, is very difficult without moral leadership. Moral leadership is meant to bring wholeness and reconciliation and give people a chance to live according to their full potential and rights. It usually brings about deep and lifelong changes, not only to individuals, but also to communities and societies. The presence or absence of true moral leadership is usually inextricably linked to the emotional maturity as well as the discerning ability of leaders and a country's people. It also depends on spiritual maturity, although morality is not primarily determined by this. Moral leadership, however, must be brought in line with certain biological key drivers, as evolutionary determined in human beings. Where this is not in line, long-term transformation, based on prosperity for all, justice, trust and knowledge, is not really possible. In light of this, the focus falls on reconciliation that is indispensable if we want to co-exist humanely. Reconciliation, however, is radical. It creates a new kind of humanity. It involves more than the veiling of evil. It is about addressing injustice. Radical reconciliation means the establishment of real relationships, actually life-long relationships, especially with people who are marginalised, powerless and outraged, and whose dignity you did not previously recognise. It is about confession and forgiveness. It is a call to exchange places with the other Within thisframework, the historical and contemporary perspectives ofthe Israeli-Palestinian conflict are explored, and I try to prove how this moral leadership model, integrated with certain important aspects regarding this conflict, may help bring about peace and reconciliation in this age-old Middle East conflict-torn area, obviously in line with international law and human rights (although not discussed). This model is also very briefly related to certain ethical theories and principles. The article reasons that no conversation about the conflict in Palestine is meaningful without asking among others the following questions: To whom does Palestine really belong' Who has the greatest historical claim on this territory' Why is it so difficult to settle the conflict between Israel and the Palestinians' To better understand the decades of conflict in the Middle East the article helps to try and grasp the historical roots that gave rise to this conflict. In this process, it is also necessary to reconsider many of the accepted dogma about, for example, the Zionist movement and their historical claim on the Palestinian territory. The article indicates how land on which the Palestinians lived for more than 1 000years, was with the emergence of the Israeli state, taken away from them mostly by violence and without their consent. From the beginning it was the Zionist's goal to alienate the non-Jewish Palestinians from their land. Zionism, however, was based on an erroneous colonialist view of the world in which there is no sense for the rights of indigenous people. The refusal to recognize the Palestinian's right to self-determination and an own state, appears to be for many years the main causes of violence and bloodshed in this area. It is not good enough for politicians to just manage this crisis, it has to be solved. Activist's role in this regard, must not be underplayed too. However, this can only be done by moral leadership in accordance with international law and human rights. This is the only way in which sustainable peace will be possible. In this regard, Israel has a lot of work to do. The prospects for peace talks are slim because many UN resolutions, under the diplomatic cloak of the United States, are denied, even rejected. The US supplies provisions of billions of dollars to Israel. This does not even include fighter-planes, technology and weapons. Another last important thought mentioned regarding this conflict has to do with the influence of religion on the current state of affairs. This conflict just shows us how strong age-old (religious) traditions, dividing decisions and discriminatory actions still function in our modern societies.
       
  • Emancipatory learning and educational research

    • Abstract: Opvoedkundenavorsing speel 'n toenemend-belangrike rol in sosiale verandering en die opbou van die demokratiese bestel in Suid-Afrika. Kennisbydraes oor onderwys en opvoeding is hoofsaaklik universiteitsgebaseerd, en dra nie alleen by tot wat bekend staan as die wetenskap van die onderwys nie, maar vorm ook die basis van beleide en kurrikula van die skoolstelsel. Die onlangse oproepe om dekolonisering van kennis in die onderwys kan aanvaar word as simptomaties van wesenlike stelseltekorte, tot dié mate dat mens kan praat van 'n krisis van relevansie en toepaslikheid. Hierdie is nie 'n tegniese krisis van slaagsyfers waar onderwys-owerhede leerprestasies wil verbeter nie, maar eerder 'n krisis van maatskaplike ineenstorting of reproduksie van sosiale ongelykhede. Laasgenoemde bestaan steeds in die samelewing en noop opvoedkundiges om opnuut skole as plekke van strydvoering te beskou, soos dit in die verlede bepleit is deur aktiviste soos Neville Alexander, Dirk Meerkotter, Aslam Fataar, en ander. In hierdie konteks is dit sinvol om ondersoek in te stel na die rol van Opvoedkundenavorsing en die mate waartoe dit bydra tot onderwysverandering. Ons fokus op die vraagstuk van emansipatoriese leer en die moontlikhede van navorsing om bevryding en transformasie te bewerkstellig, en by te dra tot onderwysverandering. Die geskrifte en nalatenskap van Neville Alexander is vir hierdie doel 'n geskikte vertrekpunt, aangesien hy as onafhanklike en sosiaal-kritiese denker rigtinggewende uitsprake oor emansipatoriese leer vir onderwys in Afrika gemaak het, wat nie die aandag wat dit verdien gekry het nie. Deur erkenning te gee aan die kompleksiteit van maatskaplike verandering, beklemtoon ons in hierdie teoretiese artikel die belangrikheid van emansipatoriese leer in navorsers se hantering van opvoedkundige teorieë. Ons bevraagteken die wyses waarop teorieë gebruik word in opvoedkundenavorsing en stel dan die emansipatoriese en generatiewe gebruik van teorieë voor. Die doel is om gesprekke oor dominante paradigmas en teorie aan te moedig ter wille van alternatiewe aksies wat kan bydra tot onderwysverandering in die konteks van die oproepe om die dekolonisering van kennis.Educational research plays a critical role in bringing about social change in South Africa. The knowledge contributions made by researchers not only shape what is accepted as the science of teaching, but also forms the basis of the education systems, policies and practices. The recent calls for decolonisation can be accepted as symptomatic of the crisis of relevance and applicability of among others, knowledge in curricula and school education. This is not a technical crisis of low pass rates and the improvement of academic performance by educational authorities, but a crisis of collapse and reproduction of social inequalities still prevalent in society, reminding educators and researchers that schools are sites of struggle, as they have been considered in the past by community activists such as Neville Alexander. In this context, the imperative is to consider the role of educational research in educational change. We approach this challenge in terms of the problematic and possibilities of emancipatory learning, as espoused by among others, Neville Alexander. He is the South African who has, as independent socially-critical thinker, advanced interpretations of education transformation still relevant today. He recognized the complexities of social change in South Africa and acknowledged the imperative of emancipatory learning in everything education, including the use of theories in educational research at universities. The rethinking we propose here is about relevance, complexities, and inconsistencies of educational research as bases for policies and practices. We question the processes and dominance of research, policies, and underlying theories and argue for the emancipatory and generative function of theory. The purpose is to encourage conversations about dominant paradigms and alternatives to educational actions.
       
  • A longitudinal view of the attitudes on business ethics of South African
           managers: Trends from 2007 to 2016

    • Abstract: Dié studie ondersoek die etiese tendense wat sedert 2007 tot 2016 onder Suid-Afrikaanse bestuurslui heers. Dieselfde reeks van 12 twyfelagtige individuele besigheidscenario's is deur die jare aan vergelykbare groepe bestuurders voorgehou om hul houdings teenoor die voorgestelde gedragscenario's te bepaal. Deur die jare is die houdings van 1 929 bestuurders so gedokumenteer. Die tendense toon dat die bestuurders nou meer krities is teenoor die scenario's in tien van die gevalle. Dit beteken dat sekere besigheidsgedrag wat vroeër as aanvaarbaar geag is, nou bevraagteken of as nie meer as aanvaarbaar geag word nie. Dit is 'n positiewe skuif in die regte rigting van etiese besigheidspraktyke. Dit toon ook aan dat bestuurders in 2016 meer bewus is van etiese gedrag en wat dan as eties korrekte besigheidsgedrag beskou word as hul voorgangers in 2007. Interessant is dat daar 'n hele paar gedragscenario's is wat vanaf 2007 tot en met ongeveer 2011/12 eers verswak het, voordat dit daarna skerp verbeter het. Die bepaling van die etiese houdings is belangrik aangesien houding n sterk drywer van gedrag is; gevolglik behoort verbeterde etiese houdings na verbeterde etiese gedrag deur bestuurders te lei.This study aimed to identify trends in ethical attitudes of managers in South Africa from 2007 up to 2016. The literature basis of the study deals with defining business ethics in South Africa from the recent past up to 2017, investigates the contentious issue of using student groups as populations, and then also particularly ascertained the suitability of experienced part-time managers in training (or retraining) as a population for business studies. Here, sufficient evidence cleared population for a focused study such as this. The empirical study then proceeded to employ all managers who crossed paths with a South African business school through the years, i.e. part-time MBA students and managers entering into advanced executive education. In total, 1 929 managers partook in the longitudinal study where they had to evaluate the behaviour described in a set of 12 business ethical scenarios. Their attitudes towards the ethical business scenarios were annually recorded on a balanced six-point scale. The data showed high reliability with a Cronbach alpha coefficient of 0.873. The validated questionnaire developed by Fullerton in 1993 was adapted and used to fit South African conditions. This questionnaire is widely used and has collected business ethics data successfully in more than nine countries across six continents. Data were captured and analysed professionally by the North West University's Statistical Consultation Services. In general, the trend analyses on the scenarios indicate that, in 2007,11 of the 12 scenarios displayed unacceptable ethical attitudes by the managers. Then, up to 2011/12, ten of these scenarios displayed similar, or even worse, managerial ethical attitudes. Since then, the trends show a steep improvement in the ethical attitudes of the managers in nine of the original unacceptable attitude scenarios. The scenario notfitting the trend of the other nine deals with obtaining a benefit from loopholes in a system. This scenario was deemed as strongly unacceptable behaviour in 2007; however, up to 2016, it has steadily deteriorated up to a point where managers believe that to benefit from loopholes in the system is only marginally unacceptable. More specific scrutiny of this analysis is required for the categorisation of the results. Here, the results were categorised into three categories. : 1) Unacceptable in 2007, but acceptable in 2016; 2) Acceptable in 2007 and remained so in 2016; 3) Unacceptable in 2007 and remained unacceptable in 2016. A total of nine scenarios were characterised belonging to the first category. All of these scenarios improved and they all show similar trends (as indicated in the general discussion of results) of improvement after 2011/12. Regarding the second category, two scenarios indicated acceptable ethical attitudes by managers back in 2007, and they remained so. They deal with "repeated visits to a dealer to capitalise on restricted bargains", and "using a dealer to get product information and then buy it online". It is also evident that the trends are steadily increasing towards acceptable behaviour. This means the attitudes of the managers at present towards these scenarios are pointing towards acceptance of such actions, and consequently more towards unethical business practices. Although limited to two scenarios only, and despite their being categorised as unethical practices, these trends are worrisome. The final category is represented by only one scenario. This is where unacceptable ethical attitudes were recorded in 2007, and it is still unacceptable in 2016. Here, the results show that the practice of buying incorrectly priced goods was, and still is, deemed acceptable (thereby indicating an unethical attitude). It was deemed marginally acceptable to take advantage of a dealer's mispriced goods in 2007, but then ethical attitudes seriously declined up to 2014 when it became very acceptable to do so. It is encouraging to see that since 2014 the attitudes pertaining to this scenario improved, where this behaviour is once again marginally acceptable. The value of the longitudinal study resides in attitude being a strong behavioural driver. This means that ethical business behaviour can be positively influenced if attitudes are showing an inclination towards ethical business practices. Here, the measurement of attitudes is important to provide a barometer of the business ethical atmosphere of South African managers; this could be useful in ethical business behaviour alteration.
       
  • Sanlam officials born from the volk to serve the people'

    • Abstract: Die Suid-Afrikaanse lewensversekeringsmaatskappy Sanlam het in 1918 die lewenslig aanskou te midde van verskeie verweefde ekonomiese, politieke en maatskaplike faktore wat meegewerk het om 'n taamlik stewige stigtingstydperk vir die jong maatskappy te verseker. Op politieke gebied was die stigting aan die opwelling van Afrikanernasionalisme gekoppel (Koen 1986:6068; Le Roux 1953:128; Scannell 1968:11). Dié nasionalisme het gepaardgegaan met die stigting van die Nasionale Party (NP) in 1914. Die volksgevoel het ontstaan uit die benarde maatskaplike posisie waarin talle Afrikaners hulle ná die Anglo-Boereoorlog bevind het. Afrikanerleiers het besef dat opheffing slegs moontlik was indien Afrikaners ook 'n aandeel in die sakewêreld verwerf. Dié wete, tesame met die sukses van die Helpmekaarbeweging en die gaping in die bestaande versekeringsbedryf in Suid-Afrika vir 'n lewensversekeringsmaatskappy veral gemik op Afrikaners, het regstreeks tot die stigting van Sanlam gelei. Die maatskappy was hoofsaaklik aanvanklik op die Afrikanermark gemik, maar het uit die staanspoor die hele Suid-Afrikaanse mark bedien. Dit het sakesin gemaak - 'n suksesvolle onderneming in die Suid-Afrikaanse mark wat sy besigheidsfokus direk mik op 'n segment van die samelewing wat grotendeels buite die versekeringsmark gestaan het, en wat terselfdertyd kon bydra tot Afrikaneropheffing. Die vraag wat in hierdie artikel beantwoord word, is in hoeverre dié voorafvermelde konteks en ook veral die Sanlam-slagspreuk "Uit die volk gebore om die volk te dien" in die aanstelling van die eerste amptenare weerspieël is. Het die maatskappy net op wit Afrikaanssprekende NP-ondersteuners staatgemaak om op dreef te kom' Was daar dus genoeg sakekundigheid in eie geledere om dié nuwe Afrikaner-wa deur die eerste drif te kry'The South African life assurance company, Sanlam, was established in 1918 as a direct result of Afrikaner ambitions. This ethnic nationalism was inspired by the advances of the Afrikaans language movement and the formation of the National Party (NP) in 1914 as a political home to many Afrikaners. An objective with the establishment of Sanlam as a life assurance company was the economic empowerment of Afrikaners in South Africa. Economic upliftment was the goal. From the beginning, the company was known principally as an Afrikaans institution focusing on Afrikaner interests. Sanlam wanted to establish itself as a South African establishment rendering a service to the entire South African community. That vision made business sense - a successful enterprise in the South African market that also contributed to Afrikaner empowerment. The question is whether that focus resulted in the company relying on an exclusive Afrikaans-speaking NP supporter base in its staff composition. This question is raised especially in view of Sanlam's Afrikaans slogan at that time: "Uit die volk gebore om die volk te dien". The interpretation of the meaning of the word "volk" is contrasting. Afrikaners of that period understood the word as referring to the Afrikaner people. "Volk" is translated into English as "people" or "nation". The slogan therefore reads as follows in English: "Born from the people to serve the people" - implying a wider involvement than only the Afrikaners. Pronouncements of Afrikaner politicians contributed to this confusion of tongues. The Afrikaner leader JBM Hertzog, for instance, on the one hand considered the concept "Afrikaners" to include Afrikaans and English speakers. On the other hand, he maintained that the two groups perhaps will be united somewhere in the future. Sanlam leaders' views in this regard varied between a reference to the "Afrikaans-speaking section" of the "Afrikanervolk" and a statement that the company is a truly Afrikaans national institution in the broadest interpretation of the word. Another reference in this regard is the view that Sanlam had developed from service to the section of the population from which it originated and that the staff members are in the service of the Afrikanervolk. Regardless of all the rhetoric, business sense played the determining role eventually. The company indeed saw the light of day with three non-Afrikaners as staff members in its midst. Two Scotsmen occupied senior positions in the new company and a Jewish woman assisted the personnel in the correct use of business Afrikaans. During the establishment years, a number of English-speakers were appointed. However, the staff overwhelmingly remained Afrikaans-speaking. Despite or perhaps as a result of the disparate interpretation of the company slogan, non-Afrikaners were involved in the company from the beginning as well as a senior Afrikaans staff member who openly exhibited his support for a party other than the NP. Although a minority by far, they were accepted as normal staff members. From the preceding analysis it turns out that the Sanlam slogan retrospectively can be rephrased as "Mainly, but not completely born from the Afrikaner people to serve the South African nation".
       
  • Perceptions of social workers on the needs of families where a child has
           been diagnosed with cancer

    • Abstract: As 'n kind met kanker gediagnoseer word, is dit nooit maklik om te verwerk nie. Die hele gesinsisteem ervaar ontwrigting om by sodanige diagnose aan te pas, en almal ervaar sekere behoeftes in hierdie situasie. Vir hierdie studie is die sisteemteorie gekies as teoretiese raamwerk om die verskillende behoeftes van die subsisteme in die gesin te eksploreer en te verken. Die doel van die studie was om die persepsies van maatskaplike werkers te ondersoek oor die behoeftes van gesinne waar 'n kind met kanker gediagnoseer is. 'n Kwalitatiewe studie is onderneem en etiese klaring is daarvoor verkry. Agtien deelnemers van ses verskillende hospitale en hospiese landwyd het aan die studie deelgeneem. Doelbewuste steekproefneming is gedoen. Data is ingesamel aan die hand van 'n semi-gestruktureerde onderhoudskedule. Drie temas is geïdentifiseer, naamlik die behoefte aan inligting, ondersteuning en kommunikasie. Relevante subtemas is ook geïdentifiseer. Die gevolgtrekking kan gemaak word dat die gesinsisteem waar n kind met kanker gediagnoseer is, sekere behoeftes ervaar waarvan maatskaplike werkers bewus moet wees ten einde effektiewe dienslewering aan hierdie gesinne te bied.It is always difficult to come to terms with the diagnosis of cancer, especially where it concerns a child. The shock of such a situation usually encapsulates several emotions, such as fear, guilt, denial, anger and sadness. No official statistics exist, but it is estimated that 1 500 children in South Africa are annually diagnosed with the illness. In such a case, the entire family is affected, and may experience specific needs after the diagnosis, as well as during the course of the illness. For this study, the systems theory was chosen as a theoretical framework, as the family system and its different sub-systems are affected by the course of events. Several studies have indicated that the family system discloses several needs in the wake ofthe diagnosis. Social workers could play a vital role in addressing some ofthese needs. Families have to deal with the shock of the diagnosis and often experience feelings similar to the stages of grief. Treatment of the cancer also has a major impact on the family system. Stressors such as hospitalisation of the sick child, caring for other siblings and the long-term effects of the cancer are stressors that the family has to deal with. In short, the psychological stress after the diagnosis of childhood cancer negatively affects the functioning of the family system. Some parents might display symptoms of PTSD as a result of the precariousness of their situation. The family system has to learn to adjust to a new life where the child with cancer is the top priority. Social workers who form part of the multi-disciplinary team can assist these families through their journey of dealing with childhood cancer. They can also provide support for different members of the family according to their specific needs. Social workers in an oncology setup usually communicate to the family system information regarding the nature and scope of the cancer. They also provide doctors and other members of the multi-disciplinary team with information regarding psychosocial circumstances ofthe family system. From a social work perspective, the need for greater insight into the needs of the family system where a child has been diagnosed with cancer is important for effective service-rendering. The aim of this study was to explore the perceptions ofsocial workers on the needs of families after cancer diagnosis of a child. A qualitative study with an explorative and descriptive nature was proposed. Six hospitals and hospices were approached and through purposive sampling, 18 participants were selected out of a population of social workers who render services to affected families. The criteria for inclusion were: • Participants had to be registered social workers, rendering services to families where a child had been diagnosed with cancer. • They had to work either in a hospital or a hospice. • They had to be fluent in English or Afrikaans. Data were collected by means of interviews, utilising a semi-structured interview guide. Ethical clearance was obtained for the study. The data were analysed and categorised into three themes and relevant sub-themes, according to the needs ofthe family system following a child's diagnosis of cancer. Theme 1 involves the need for information as indicated by the participants. The parent sub-system needs information on the prognosis and nature of the cancer, which would enable them to make informed decisions. The sick child also has a right to know what is happening to him/her and what to expect during treatment. In addition, the sibling sub-system needs information on the condition of the sick brother or sister. Some participants indicated how difficult it was for parents to give information regarding the cancer diagnosis to their children. Theme 2 emphasises the needfor support, indicated as an important priority in the family's life. Participants observed that a lack of resources impacted negatively on the family subsystem. Aspects such asfinancial assistance and transport were also mentioned under practical support, as well as the role of grandparents to assist the family with practical arrangements. As the family system experiences a range of emotions that could be likened to the stages of grief, emotional support for the family is paramount. Participants remarked that emotional support given by significant others assure the family of care and consideration. Some participants also mentioned the importance of maintaining a balance between emotional support and the family system's privacy where family boundaries should be clearly defined. Professional support was indicated by participants as a need where the different members of the medical team could contribute. The significant role of the social worker was also mentioned. The third theme entails c...
       
  • Chairefoon-konferensie

    • Abstract: As 'n kind met kanker gediagnoseer word, is dit nooit maklik om te verwerk nie. Die hele gesinsisteem ervaar ontwrigting om by sodanige diagnose aan te pas, en almal ervaar sekere behoeftes in hierdie situasie. Vir hierdie studie is die sisteemteorie gekies as teoretiese raamwerk om die verskillende behoeftes van die subsisteme in die gesin te eksploreer en te verken. Die doel van die studie was om die persepsies van maatskaplike werkers te ondersoek oor die behoeftes van gesinne waar 'n kind met kanker gediagnoseer is. 'n Kwalitatiewe studie is onderneem en etiese klaring is daarvoor verkry. Agtien deelnemers van ses verskillende hospitale en hospiese landwyd het aan die studie deelgeneem. Doelbewuste steekproefneming is gedoen. Data is ingesamel aan die hand van 'n semi-gestruktureerde onderhoudskedule. Drie temas is geïdentifiseer, naamlik die behoefte aan inligting, ondersteuning en kommunikasie. Relevante subtemas is ook geïdentifiseer. Die gevolgtrekking kan gemaak word dat die gesinsisteem waar n kind met kanker gediagnoseer is, sekere behoeftes ervaar waarvan maatskaplike werkers bewus moet wees ten einde effektiewe dienslewering aan hierdie gesinne te bied.It is always difficult to come to terms with the diagnosis of cancer, especially where it concerns a child. The shock of such a situation usually encapsulates several emotions, such as fear, guilt, denial, anger and sadness. No official statistics exist, but it is estimated that 1 500 children in South Africa are annually diagnosed with the illness. In such a case, the entire family is affected, and may experience specific needs after the diagnosis, as well as during the course of the illness. For this study, the systems theory was chosen as a theoretical framework, as the family system and its different sub-systems are affected by the course of events. Several studies have indicated that the family system discloses several needs in the wake ofthe diagnosis. Social workers could play a vital role in addressing some ofthese needs. Families have to deal with the shock of the diagnosis and often experience feelings similar to the stages of grief. Treatment of the cancer also has a major impact on the family system. Stressors such as hospitalisation of the sick child, caring for other siblings and the long-term effects of the cancer are stressors that the family has to deal with. In short, the psychological stress after the diagnosis of childhood cancer negatively affects the functioning of the family system. Some parents might display symptoms of PTSD as a result of the precariousness of their situation. The family system has to learn to adjust to a new life where the child with cancer is the top priority. Social workers who form part of the multi-disciplinary team can assist these families through their journey of dealing with childhood cancer. They can also provide support for different members of the family according to their specific needs. Social workers in an oncology setup usually communicate to the family system information regarding the nature and scope of the cancer. They also provide doctors and other members of the multi-disciplinary team with information regarding psychosocial circumstances ofthe family system. From a social work perspective, the need for greater insight into the needs of the family system where a child has been diagnosed with cancer is important for effective service-rendering. The aim of this study was to explore the perceptions ofsocial workers on the needs of families after cancer diagnosis of a child. A qualitative study with an explorative and descriptive nature was proposed. Six hospitals and hospices were approached and through purposive sampling, 18 participants were selected out of a population of social workers who render services to affected families. The criteria for inclusion were: • Participants had to be registered social workers, rendering services to families where a child had been diagnosed with cancer. • They had to work either in a hospital or a hospice. • They had to be fluent in English or Afrikaans. Data were collected by means of interviews, utilising a semi-structured interview guide. Ethical clearance was obtained for the study. The data were analysed and categorised into three themes and relevant sub-themes, according to the needs ofthe family system following a child's diagnosis of cancer. Theme 1 involves the need for information as indicated by the participants. The parent sub-system needs information on the prognosis and nature of the cancer, which would enable them to make informed decisions. The sick child also has a right to know what is happening to him/her and what to expect during treatment. In addition, the sibling sub-system needs information on the condition of the sick brother or sister. Some participants indicated how difficult it was for parents to give information regarding the cancer diagnosis to their children. Theme 2 emphasises the needfor support, indicated as an important priority in the family's life. Participants observed that a lack of resources impacted negatively on the family subsystem. Aspects such asfinancial assistance and transport were also mentioned under practical support, as well as the role of grandparents to assist the family with practical arrangements. As the family system experiences a range of emotions that could be likened to the stages of grief, emotional support for the family is paramount. Participants remarked that emotional support given by significant others assure the family of care and consideration. Some participants also mentioned the importance of maintaining a balance between emotional support and the family system's privacy where family boundaries should be clearly defined. Professional support was indicated by participants as a need where the different members of the medical team could contribute. The significant role of the social worker was also mentioned. The third theme entails c...
       
  • The call for a philosophical Afrikaans outside the public
           university

    • Abstract: Die artikel betwis die legitimerende verduidelikings wat plaaslik en internasionaal vir verengelsing gegee word, naamlik dat daardeur 'n meer praktiese en inklusiewe wyse van kommunikasie verwesenlik word in 'n gesamentlike opheffing van die beskawing. Ek wys daarop dat sulke edele verduidelikings uit 'n homogeniserende drif voortspruit, met 'n Faustiese ondertoon, dit wil sê dat prysgawe van die siel as voorwaarde vir opname in die nuwe bestel gestel word. Hierdie Faustiese prysgawe word aangedryf deur wat ek noem die priesterskap van selfveragting, so genoem vanweë 'n soort masochistiese selfmarteling wat enersyds die voorwaarde vir relevansie geword het, en waarbinne andersyds pyniging die voorwaarde vir beloning is. As alternatief hiervoor doen ek 'n oproep tot 'n filosofiese omgang in Afrikaans, dit wil sê n verkenning van die algemene waarin die besondere nie ingeperk of uitgewis word nie, maar wat selfontdekking én uitreiking na die geheel tot gevolg het. Dit behels nie 'n verskraling van die algemene nie, maar 'n verryking daarvan deur nuwe nuanses daaraan te verleen. Onontbeer-lik vir die verryking is ver-taal-ing, waarsonder taal armer en eensydig word. Taal, anders as getal, is veelkantig en veelduidig. Die weg van taal word daarom moeisaam bewandel in erkenning, waarbinne tegelyk selfkennis (nie verwaandheid nie) en oopstelling (wat nie met homogenisering verwar moet word nie) vereis word.This article explores possibilities for the future of, and need for philosophy in Afrikaans in the light of the recent exorcism-like removal of Afrikaans from local universities. To do this, firstly the phenomenon of the manner in which English is taking over as the only medium of instruction not only locally, but also internationally, will come under scrutiny. Secondly, the meaning of thinking philosophically in a particular language will be explored, followed by pointers towards a way forward into a situation where philosophy in Afrikaans can be thought from outside of the margins of tertiary institutions, but never closed off to conversation with the public institutions and the broader context of South Africa. I will challenge the claim that English is merely a more practical lingua franca, by rooting it in its colonial prejudices, claiming to be the medium of the Christian message, similar to the way Latin before it was seen. It will be argued that secularisation did not neccessarily root out these issues, but appropriated this salvific quality of the English language into modern science and its claims to objective and universal truth. As a first step towards reaching objectivity, the mind needs to be detoxified from the malnutrition of the inferior and limited mother tongue, the indigenous language. The move from the smaller to the larger language, supposedly correlates to the movement from the subjective to the objective realm. Instead of accomplishing this goal however, the movement rather results in what Van Wyk Louw calls "modern barbarism". The effects of modern barbarism, is that it creates in its homogeneity a sort of contemporary tower of Babel, with an exorcised Faustian workforce, toiling away at producing consumables that constantly reproduce the initial process to drive out souls and imprint on these blank pages (tabula rasa) global trade-"marks". The passage to knowledge has become an automation of the abstracted head function (Capitas in Latin) into which all impulses should neatly fit. As an alternative to this state of affairs, a call is made for an orientated thinking, that never loses sight of the Delphic principle "know thyself, without which further "objective" knowledge has the danger of being disjointed from the concrete situation and becoming oppressive. Knowing yourself conversely also means familiarising oneself with the larger framework in which one is situated. The solution is therefore active and dynamic translation and expression in which the languages are given platforms to be cultivated and to cross-pollinate. Philosophy itself has benefitedfrom many languages through which it has been able to form concepts that have influenced the history of thinking. Outside of the public tertiary institution, philosophy steps into the sphere in which Afrikaans has been cultivated over the last few years, the market. In a certain sense, philosophy returns to the place where it first attained a clear manifestation, as itself a form of exchange (in Afrikaans: "handel"), but a form of exchange that mediates between other exchanges, from the most particular to the overarching. This interaction is also the movement in which justice (as right) crystallizes, justice understood in the sense of letting things come to right ("teregkom"). Through this exchange, the understanding of economy as that which is informed by abstract principles, in which the free play between the oikos and the nomos is determined by the nomos alone, is challenged by one in which the local, in all its complexity, is invited to participate and contribute to the global discourse on an open platform.
       
  • On the question of identity in a post-apartheid world: Co-creation as an
           alternative to onto-race-logy

    • Abstract: Hoe verstaan 'n mens wie jy is in 'n postapartheidwêreld' Anders gestel: Wat volg moontlik op die logika van apartheid' In hierdie artikel word daar in die lig van dié vrae betoog vir 'n identiteitsbegrip as aksie wat lei tot ko-skepping van betekenis eerder as essensie. Voordat hierdie betoog gelewer kan word, word in die eerste deel van die artikel die logika wat die identiteitsbegrippe in die koloniale bestel en in sy nakomeling apartheid gekonstitueer het, hermeneuties ontleed as onto-rasse-logie. Op sy beurt word getoon dat dié logika tot die opsluiting van identiteite as essensialisties binne 'n geslote totaliteit lei. Daarteenoor word in die tweede deel betoog enersyds vir die vermyding van 'n voortsetting of rekonstruering van n onto-rasse-logiese identiteit en 'n geslote totaliteit, en andersyds vir die ontsluiting van die wêreld met n identiteitsbegrip as aksie eerder as essensie. Dit is n identiteitsbegrip wat op n ontologiese vlak rekening hou met n persoon se gegewe bestaan in die wêreld as altyd saam met ander en die universele verantwoordelikheid wat daarby ingeweef is: die strewe na en herstel van n menswaardige bestaan vir almal.How does one understand who one is in a post-apartheid world' Put differently: what comes after the logic of apartheid' In this article I take up the question by arguing for a notion of identity as action rather than essence, that is, a notion of identity that allows for one's existence in the world as always with others. In order to argue the case, the first part of the article hermeneutically analyses the logic that constitutes the colonial and apartheid conceptions of identity as onto-race-logy, that is, a logic taken over from a certain form of Western metaphysical thinking that takes race as its highest and grounding principle according to which the totality is ordered. According to this logic, identity functions as "something which is the same as itself (A = A). It is an essentialised form of identity that is separate from the world as totality in a vacuum-like existence. The world and the other are therefore understood according to the categories of the self, in which the self or its identity is given an elevated position in relation to the world and others, that is, a certain racial identity in the case of onto-race-logy. Furthermore, the logic has two ethical implications. Firstly, binary oppositions are set up, the identity of the other becoming the negative pole of the positive self-identity. For instance, the colonised African subject is seen as negative and primitive in relation to the Western subject. In apartheid terms, the "black man" is regarded as "godless" and the opposite of the "Christian white man" and branded as a "kaffir". The latter term originates from the Arabic word kafir, meaning "infidel", and may be compared to the use of Negro in America and Nègre in the French-speaking world, both fulfilling the same function. Difference or strangeness is typified negatively and should therefore be kept apart. In addition, this negative typification occurs through the process of scapegoating, which has a long history in the Western world, in which all the sins (aggression, guilt and violence) of the group are projected onto the stranger. This is a means of creating a binding identity and solidarity within a group. Moreover, the negative typification and scapegoating is accompanied by the creation of myths that are not based in reality but in fantasy, in this instance myths about the "black man", who is seen as exotic, barbaric, hyper-sexual, pre-political, and so forth. These myths create a mask of race that covers the face of the other and provides the content with which to typify. The second ethical implication is that the other is not only typified as negative, but is also regarded as less valuable ontologically. Hence, enclosed in the term "kaffir" is the misrecognition of the human dignity of the person enclosed by this concept of identity. The same logic that holds for the relation between the self and the other is also at play in society, and determines the way in which the totality and the relation between groups are structured. The meaning within a society is determined by the identity of one group, which may lead to a state of totalitarianism. Apartheid is an example of this function where the world we live in is determined by the categories of race, which largely dominate to this day. Our identity is thus enclosed in and reduced to race. The first part ends with an exploration of another reason for the creation and perpetuation of racial identities in the colonial and apartheid eras. This reason concerns the creation of racial categories for the justification of the exploitation of people for capitalistic ends. In other words, if the "black man" is not regarded as fully human, there can be no objection to treating them as inferior and to rationalise any practices that follow from such a conception. Since all identities are enclosed in this logic, the "white man" is, in turn, regarded asfully human and therefore economic and political prosperity is justified. And because this logic has not yet been overcome, "white privilege" has become part of the everyday discourse in South Africa, a discourse in which the connection between economic prosperity and the identity of the "white man" is regarded as negative in the absence of political power. More important, although these constructions of "white man" and "black man" (or any other racial construction) might not apply to one, one is still captured in them and the misrecognition of one's existence in the world may lead to alternative self-conceptions. The second part of the article explores what might follow on the logic of apartheid (or the colony, in the larger context), namely the onto-race-logical constructions of identity. Two choices are outlined. The first choice entails a perpetuation of the logic by a nostalgic appea...
       
  • The economic importance for the state of the protection of minority
           groups

    • Abstract: Regerings moedig graag nasiebou aan, met die oogmerk om hul burgers saam te snoer en nasionale eenheid te bewerkstellig. In homogene samelewings geskied dit gewoonlik heel maklik, omdat mense van nature mag voel dat hulle 'n enkele gemeenskaplike doel nastreef. Minderheidsgroepe word egter daarby uitgesluit. Hierdie artikel belig die feit dat dit nog altyd die geval is. Daar word ook betoog dat regerings, veral dié van Suid-Afrika, doelbewus daarop uit is om minderheidsgroepe te ondermyn. Deur te verwys na veral die rol vir die staat wat Adam Smith identifiseer, word sulke oormatig betrokke regerings se legitimiteit bevraagteken. Veral waar dit op die direkte ondermyning van geregtigheid neerkom, is dit in stryd met Hobbes se sosiale kontrak, sowel as Adam Smith se voorgestelde rol vir die staat. 'n Ander belangrike punt wat beklemtoon word, is dat kulturele groepe se welvaart altyd voordele inhou ook vir ander groepe. Deur een te ondermyn, word die hele samelewing dus ondermyn.Governments tend to encourage so-called nation building, in order to create a united citizenry. In homogenous societies, this occurs fairly easily, as people already feel that they are united in terms of culture and language. Therefore, they naturally feel that they are working towards the same end-goal. In multicultural societies, or in societies with minorities living with the majority, certain groups are always excluded from this. It will be argued that this has always been the case ever since the origin of state. Certain governments, with specific reference to South Africa, deliberately set out to undermine certain minority groups. The modern state is evaluated in terms of Adam Smith's set role for the state. Smith identifies the role ofthe state as protecting citizensfrom attacksfrom other countries, protecting citizens from injustices and harm caused by others and, finally, providing infrastructure as well as a good business environment in which business can thrive. By excluding certain minorities, the last two roles are neglected and the rights of those minorities are infringed upon. As maintaining a good defence force is dependent on developing a thriving economy, the first, and perhaps most basic, function of the state is undermined. Therefore, undermining certain minorities would be against Hobbes' social contract, as it misrepresents some individuals. It also clashes with Adam Smith's set notion of the state's responsibility, according to which it must ensure that its citizens are provided with the freedom and infrastructure to facilitate economic growth. When failing in both of these aspects, serious questions about the legitimacy of such a state are raised. In order to evaluate the role of nation building and representativity, in terms of the actual functions of the state, one must start with the origin of the state. This is because the origin of state power must be understood in order to legitimize the use thereof in terms of governing the cultural and economic practices of subjects and citizens. According to d'Entreves, the state's only legitimization comes from itself, therefore the core of any political theory should be to establish whether the state has any right to exist, apart from the rights that it grants to itself. Hobbes and Rousseau chose the path of the social contract in their political theories. In these theories, the sovereign represents everyone. When using this approach to legitimize state power, minorities are often entirely excluded, as they do notform part of the contract, or they are pushed to the margins by the tyranny of the majority. As the government is supposed to safeguard the rights of all citizens, this seriously questions the legitimacy of governments who advocate for expanding the rights of some groups at the expense of others. In this regard, the South African government since 1994 is used as an example. Nation-building generally refers to non-racialism and representativity. The major instruments whereby such goals are to be attained in the formal sectors are by means of affirmative action and Black Economic Empowerment (BEE). Certain examples are referred to, such as the government's aim of establishing 100 black industrialists. This is questioned, as becoming a major industrialist usually requires certain skills and experience. Similarly, forcing companies to hire certain people when they are not the best suited or qualified for their positions would put strain on the entire economy. Besides this, it hampers the natural transfusion of skills and assets which would have occurred if the state had not intervened. Rather than creating a united nation or social cohesion, such projects cast doubt on any appointments from the designated groups. Furthermore, it creates doubt amongst minority groups as to whether the government has their best interests at heart. Although trickle-down economics have been questioned, it is without a doubt true that cultural groups cannot empower themselves in isolation. If one group flourishes economically, others will share in it too. The government's restrictions on growth amongst minority groups therefore does not only impact negatively on the specific group, but on society as a whole. By deliberately sabotaging its own economy, such a government proves itself to be illegitimate.
       
  • Redakteursnota

    • Abstract: Regerings moedig graag nasiebou aan, met die oogmerk om hul burgers saam te snoer en nasionale eenheid te bewerkstellig. In homogene samelewings geskied dit gewoonlik heel maklik, omdat mense van nature mag voel dat hulle 'n enkele gemeenskaplike doel nastreef. Minderheidsgroepe word egter daarby uitgesluit. Hierdie artikel belig die feit dat dit nog altyd die geval is. Daar word ook betoog dat regerings, veral dié van Suid-Afrika, doelbewus daarop uit is om minderheidsgroepe te ondermyn. Deur te verwys na veral die rol vir die staat wat Adam Smith identifiseer, word sulke oormatig betrokke regerings se legitimiteit bevraagteken. Veral waar dit op die direkte ondermyning van geregtigheid neerkom, is dit in stryd met Hobbes se sosiale kontrak, sowel as Adam Smith se voorgestelde rol vir die staat. 'n Ander belangrike punt wat beklemtoon word, is dat kulturele groepe se welvaart altyd voordele inhou ook vir ander groepe. Deur een te ondermyn, word die hele samelewing dus ondermyn.Governments tend to encourage so-called nation building, in order to create a united citizenry. In homogenous societies, this occurs fairly easily, as people already feel that they are united in terms of culture and language. Therefore, they naturally feel that they are working towards the same end-goal. In multicultural societies, or in societies with minorities living with the majority, certain groups are always excluded from this. It will be argued that this has always been the case ever since the origin of state. Certain governments, with specific reference to South Africa, deliberately set out to undermine certain minority groups. The modern state is evaluated in terms of Adam Smith's set role for the state. Smith identifies the role ofthe state as protecting citizensfrom attacksfrom other countries, protecting citizens from injustices and harm caused by others and, finally, providing infrastructure as well as a good business environment in which business can thrive. By excluding certain minorities, the last two roles are neglected and the rights of those minorities are infringed upon. As maintaining a good defence force is dependent on developing a thriving economy, the first, and perhaps most basic, function of the state is undermined. Therefore, undermining certain minorities would be against Hobbes' social contract, as it misrepresents some individuals. It also clashes with Adam Smith's set notion of the state's responsibility, according to which it must ensure that its citizens are provided with the freedom and infrastructure to facilitate economic growth. When failing in both of these aspects, serious questions about the legitimacy of such a state are raised. In order to evaluate the role of nation building and representativity, in terms of the actual functions of the state, one must start with the origin of the state. This is because the origin of state power must be understood in order to legitimize the use thereof in terms of governing the cultural and economic practices of subjects and citizens. According to d'Entreves, the state's only legitimization comes from itself, therefore the core of any political theory should be to establish whether the state has any right to exist, apart from the rights that it grants to itself. Hobbes and Rousseau chose the path of the social contract in their political theories. In these theories, the sovereign represents everyone. When using this approach to legitimize state power, minorities are often entirely excluded, as they do notform part of the contract, or they are pushed to the margins by the tyranny of the majority. As the government is supposed to safeguard the rights of all citizens, this seriously questions the legitimacy of governments who advocate for expanding the rights of some groups at the expense of others. In this regard, the South African government since 1994 is used as an example. Nation-building generally refers to non-racialism and representativity. The major instruments whereby such goals are to be attained in the formal sectors are by means of affirmative action and Black Economic Empowerment (BEE). Certain examples are referred to, such as the government's aim of establishing 100 black industrialists. This is questioned, as becoming a major industrialist usually requires certain skills and experience. Similarly, forcing companies to hire certain people when they are not the best suited or qualified for their positions would put strain on the entire economy. Besides this, it hampers the natural transfusion of skills and assets which would have occurred if the state had not intervened. Rather than creating a united nation or social cohesion, such projects cast doubt on any appointments from the designated groups. Furthermore, it creates doubt amongst minority groups as to whether the government has their best interests at heart. Although trickle-down economics have been questioned, it is without a doubt true that cultural groups cannot empower themselves in isolation. If one group flourishes economically, others will share in it too. The government's restrictions on growth amongst minority groups therefore does not only impact negatively on the specific group, but on society as a whole. By deliberately sabotaging its own economy, such a government proves itself to be illegitimate.
       
  • (Tydskrif+vir+Geesteswetenskappe+58(2):310-329)&rft.title=Tydskrif+vir+Geesteswetenskappe&rft.issn=0041-4751&rft.date=&rft.volume=">Reaksie op die artikel "'n Ekokrities-filosofiese perspektief op die
           kortverhaal 'Katvoet' (Riana Scheepers)" deur Carien Smith (Tydskrif vir
           Geesteswetenskappe 58(2):310-329)

    • Abstract: Regerings moedig graag nasiebou aan, met die oogmerk om hul burgers saam te snoer en nasionale eenheid te bewerkstellig. In homogene samelewings geskied dit gewoonlik heel maklik, omdat mense van nature mag voel dat hulle 'n enkele gemeenskaplike doel nastreef. Minderheidsgroepe word egter daarby uitgesluit. Hierdie artikel belig die feit dat dit nog altyd die geval is. Daar word ook betoog dat regerings, veral dié van Suid-Afrika, doelbewus daarop uit is om minderheidsgroepe te ondermyn. Deur te verwys na veral die rol vir die staat wat Adam Smith identifiseer, word sulke oormatig betrokke regerings se legitimiteit bevraagteken. Veral waar dit op die direkte ondermyning van geregtigheid neerkom, is dit in stryd met Hobbes se sosiale kontrak, sowel as Adam Smith se voorgestelde rol vir die staat. 'n Ander belangrike punt wat beklemtoon word, is dat kulturele groepe se welvaart altyd voordele inhou ook vir ander groepe. Deur een te ondermyn, word die hele samelewing dus ondermyn.Governments tend to encourage so-called nation building, in order to create a united citizenry. In homogenous societies, this occurs fairly easily, as people already feel that they are united in terms of culture and language. Therefore, they naturally feel that they are working towards the same end-goal. In multicultural societies, or in societies with minorities living with the majority, certain groups are always excluded from this. It will be argued that this has always been the case ever since the origin of state. Certain governments, with specific reference to South Africa, deliberately set out to undermine certain minority groups. The modern state is evaluated in terms of Adam Smith's set role for the state. Smith identifies the role ofthe state as protecting citizensfrom attacksfrom other countries, protecting citizens from injustices and harm caused by others and, finally, providing infrastructure as well as a good business environment in which business can thrive. By excluding certain minorities, the last two roles are neglected and the rights of those minorities are infringed upon. As maintaining a good defence force is dependent on developing a thriving economy, the first, and perhaps most basic, function of the state is undermined. Therefore, undermining certain minorities would be against Hobbes' social contract, as it misrepresents some individuals. It also clashes with Adam Smith's set notion of the state's responsibility, according to which it must ensure that its citizens are provided with the freedom and infrastructure to facilitate economic growth. When failing in both of these aspects, serious questions about the legitimacy of such a state are raised. In order to evaluate the role of nation building and representativity, in terms of the actual functions of the state, one must start with the origin of the state. This is because the origin of state power must be understood in order to legitimize the use thereof in terms of governing the cultural and economic practices of subjects and citizens. According to d'Entreves, the state's only legitimization comes from itself, therefore the core of any political theory should be to establish whether the state has any right to exist, apart from the rights that it grants to itself. Hobbes and Rousseau chose the path of the social contract in their political theories. In these theories, the sovereign represents everyone. When using this approach to legitimize state power, minorities are often entirely excluded, as they do notform part of the contract, or they are pushed to the margins by the tyranny of the majority. As the government is supposed to safeguard the rights of all citizens, this seriously questions the legitimacy of governments who advocate for expanding the rights of some groups at the expense of others. In this regard, the South African government since 1994 is used as an example. Nation-building generally refers to non-racialism and representativity. The major instruments whereby such goals are to be attained in the formal sectors are by means of affirmative action and Black Economic Empowerment (BEE). Certain examples are referred to, such as the government's aim of establishing 100 black industrialists. This is questioned, as becoming a major industrialist usually requires certain skills and experience. Similarly, forcing companies to hire certain people when they are not the best suited or qualified for their positions would put strain on the entire economy. Besides this, it hampers the natural transfusion of skills and assets which would have occurred if the state had not intervened. Rather than creating a united nation or social cohesion, such projects cast doubt on any appointments from the designated groups. Furthermore, it creates doubt amongst minority groups as to whether the government has their best interests at heart. Although trickle-down economics have been questioned, it is without a doubt true that cultural groups cannot empower themselves in isolation. If one group flourishes economically, others will share in it too. The government's restrictions on growth amongst minority groups therefore does not only impact negatively on the specific group, but on society as a whole. By deliberately sabotaging its own economy, such a government proves itself to be illegitimate.
       
  • Republieke en hulle vanne

    • Abstract: Regerings moedig graag nasiebou aan, met die oogmerk om hul burgers saam te snoer en nasionale eenheid te bewerkstellig. In homogene samelewings geskied dit gewoonlik heel maklik, omdat mense van nature mag voel dat hulle 'n enkele gemeenskaplike doel nastreef. Minderheidsgroepe word egter daarby uitgesluit. Hierdie artikel belig die feit dat dit nog altyd die geval is. Daar word ook betoog dat regerings, veral dié van Suid-Afrika, doelbewus daarop uit is om minderheidsgroepe te ondermyn. Deur te verwys na veral die rol vir die staat wat Adam Smith identifiseer, word sulke oormatig betrokke regerings se legitimiteit bevraagteken. Veral waar dit op die direkte ondermyning van geregtigheid neerkom, is dit in stryd met Hobbes se sosiale kontrak, sowel as Adam Smith se voorgestelde rol vir die staat. 'n Ander belangrike punt wat beklemtoon word, is dat kulturele groepe se welvaart altyd voordele inhou ook vir ander groepe. Deur een te ondermyn, word die hele samelewing dus ondermyn.Governments tend to encourage so-called nation building, in order to create a united citizenry. In homogenous societies, this occurs fairly easily, as people already feel that they are united in terms of culture and language. Therefore, they naturally feel that they are working towards the same end-goal. In multicultural societies, or in societies with minorities living with the majority, certain groups are always excluded from this. It will be argued that this has always been the case ever since the origin of state. Certain governments, with specific reference to South Africa, deliberately set out to undermine certain minority groups. The modern state is evaluated in terms of Adam Smith's set role for the state. Smith identifies the role ofthe state as protecting citizensfrom attacksfrom other countries, protecting citizens from injustices and harm caused by others and, finally, providing infrastructure as well as a good business environment in which business can thrive. By excluding certain minorities, the last two roles are neglected and the rights of those minorities are infringed upon. As maintaining a good defence force is dependent on developing a thriving economy, the first, and perhaps most basic, function of the state is undermined. Therefore, undermining certain minorities would be against Hobbes' social contract, as it misrepresents some individuals. It also clashes with Adam Smith's set notion of the state's responsibility, according to which it must ensure that its citizens are provided with the freedom and infrastructure to facilitate economic growth. When failing in both of these aspects, serious questions about the legitimacy of such a state are raised. In order to evaluate the role of nation building and representativity, in terms of the actual functions of the state, one must start with the origin of the state. This is because the origin of state power must be understood in order to legitimize the use thereof in terms of governing the cultural and economic practices of subjects and citizens. According to d'Entreves, the state's only legitimization comes from itself, therefore the core of any political theory should be to establish whether the state has any right to exist, apart from the rights that it grants to itself. Hobbes and Rousseau chose the path of the social contract in their political theories. In these theories, the sovereign represents everyone. When using this approach to legitimize state power, minorities are often entirely excluded, as they do notform part of the contract, or they are pushed to the margins by the tyranny of the majority. As the government is supposed to safeguard the rights of all citizens, this seriously questions the legitimacy of governments who advocate for expanding the rights of some groups at the expense of others. In this regard, the South African government since 1994 is used as an example. Nation-building generally refers to non-racialism and representativity. The major instruments whereby such goals are to be attained in the formal sectors are by means of affirmative action and Black Economic Empowerment (BEE). Certain examples are referred to, such as the government's aim of establishing 100 black industrialists. This is questioned, as becoming a major industrialist usually requires certain skills and experience. Similarly, forcing companies to hire certain people when they are not the best suited or qualified for their positions would put strain on the entire economy. Besides this, it hampers the natural transfusion of skills and assets which would have occurred if the state had not intervened. Rather than creating a united nation or social cohesion, such projects cast doubt on any appointments from the designated groups. Furthermore, it creates doubt amongst minority groups as to whether the government has their best interests at heart. Although trickle-down economics have been questioned, it is without a doubt true that cultural groups cannot empower themselves in isolation. If one group flourishes economically, others will share in it too. The government's restrictions on growth amongst minority groups therefore does not only impact negatively on the specific group, but on society as a whole. By deliberately sabotaging its own economy, such a government proves itself to be illegitimate.
       
 
 
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