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Global : Jurnal Politik Internasional
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  This is an Open Access Journal Open Access journal
ISSN (Print) 1411-5492 - ISSN (Online) 2579-8251
Published by Universitas Indonesia Homepage  [20 journals]
  • Repositioning Indonesia in the Changing Maritime Landscape of the
           Indo-Pacific Region

    • Authors: Sukmawani Bela Pertiwi
      Pages: 1 - 25
      Abstract: Indo-Pacific has been among the most contested regions in the past decade. After China demonstrated its ambitious goal in reviving maritime silk road with its military and economic presence, United States, India, Japan, and Australia formed a new coalition to counter this strategy. This paper aims to examine the position of Indonesia as a traditional regional maritime power in the context of this changing maritime landscape of the Indo-Pacific region. In doing so, this paper develops the concept of “the three faces of maritime power” which distinguishes maritime power into hard, soft, and normative maritime power. The findings of this paper indicates that Indonesia demonstrates less of its hard and soft power, but it capitalizes on its normative power to demonstrate its presence in the new maritime landscape of the Indo Pacific
      PubDate: 2020-06-30
      DOI: 10.7454/global.v22i1.438
      Issue No: Vol. 22, No. 1 (2020)
       
  • Latent Securitisation of Illegal, Unreported and Unregulated (IUU) Fishing
           in Indonesia

    • Authors: Rage Taufika
      Pages: 26 - 53
      Abstract: This paper aims to explore and explain to what extent and in what ways the Indonesian Government has securitised the Illegal, Unreported and Unregulated (IUU) fishing in Indonesia since 2009, by utilising critical discourse analysis. Using the Securitisation theory from the Copenhagen School, this paper explains the analysis of the speech act and extraordinary measures from SBY’s administration, Jokowi’s first term and second term administration. While IUU fishing has been a severe global issue, 30 percent of the cases take place in Indonesia and it becomes a serious threat for the economy and maritime resources. In 2009, Indonesia amended the fisheries law by establishing the new article about the right to burn and sink illegal foreign vessels. However, the securitisation remained ‘latent’ as it lacks the extraordinary measures and supporting speech act from the government. In 2014, during Jokowi’s first term, Indonesia had done extraordinary measures by regularly sinking the illegal foreign vessels. During Jokowi’s second term, the measures were gone, although the law still exists. Thus, it became ‘latent’ again in 2019 up until present. This paper claims that the Indonesian Government successfully securitised the issue in 2014 after the latent securitisation that happened in 2009. However, it remained ‘latent’ again in 2019 up until now.
      PubDate: 2020-06-30
      DOI: 10.7454/global.v22i1.488
      Issue No: Vol. 22, No. 1 (2020)
       
  • A Critical Assessment on the Indonesian Free Visa Policy: a Neorealist
           Perspective

    • Authors: Andry Indrady
      Pages: 54 - 76
      Abstract: This paper discusses the implementation of free visa policy in Indonesia from a neorealist perspective. By utilizing the perspective of interdependence sovereignty and domestic sovereignty, this paper critically assesses the implementation of the free visa policy in Indonesia. From the interdependence sovereignty perspective, which elaborates the economic benefits, reciprocal and security approaches the paper finds that the free visa policy in Indonesia has yet to formulate a rational and objective policy that would lead to potential security – order threat. On the other hand, from the domestic sovereignty perspective the paper finds that although the state performs its immigration control capabilities effectively, however the said immigration control measures are implemented at a rather repressive level, instead of at the ideal prevention level. In the end, the paper suggests further research that fills the gap from findings on the specific methods to enhance the state’s capability in managing challenges posed by the free visa policy in more detail, as well as providing a method to measure public perception on the performance of immigration control.
      PubDate: 2020-06-30
      DOI: 10.7454/global.v22i1.414
      Issue No: Vol. 22, No. 1 (2020)
       
  • The Architecture of Paradiplomacy Regime in Indonesia: A Content Analysis

    • Authors: Surwandono Surwandono, Ali Maksum
      Pages: 77 - 99
      Abstract: Paradiplomacy as a policy and practice of foreign policy by local governments have been carried out by the Indonesian government. But the practice of paradiplomacy shows a gap between local governments, as there are local governments that are so intensive but, on the other hand, some are passive. This article explains the architecture of paradiplomacy in the constitutional dimension through tracking the message structure in a number of regulations with content analysis methods. The advance of content analysis in the constitutional dimension will be able to provide comprehensive analysis on the architecture of Indonesia's paradiplomacy and its implications for achieving national interests. This article finds that Indonesia's paradiplomacy architecture is still very administrative, procedural, and technical, which results in inability to accelerate paradiplomacy by local governments in Indonesia to progressively attain local and national interests.
      PubDate: 2020-06-30
      DOI: 10.7454/global.v22i1.443
      Issue No: Vol. 22, No. 1 (2020)
       
  • China’s Policy in Refusing North Korea Nuclear Proliferation

    • Authors: Vera Zerlinda Alamsyah Sulaiman
      Pages: 100 - 124
      Abstract: This paper explains the main factors underlying China's policy of refusing North Korea's nuclear proliferation, whereas the two countries have established defense alliance relations since the breakup of the Korean War. Geopolitically, North Korea is a strategic country for China in the East Asian region, and both countries view the presence of the US military in the region as a threat. Subsequently, North Korea began to develop its nuclear capability to challenge the continuous US military presence in South Korea. Although China and North Korea see the US influence as a security threat, China maintains its position of refusing North Korea nuclear proliferation. Previous studies regarding the relations between the two countries have explained the factors that underlie China's refusal of North Korea's nuclear proliferation. However, there have been no studies that precisely portray how nuclear weapons can influence China's policy-making towards its allies. By using extended deterrence perspective, this paper explains the variables that influence China's rejection of North Korea's nuclear proliferation. The main argument in this study is that China refuses North Korea's nuclear proliferation as a result of the disadvantage if North Korea continues its nuclear proliferation and the impact towards the regional stability that is unfavorable to China.
      PubDate: 2020-06-30
      DOI: 10.7454/global.v22i1.481
      Issue No: Vol. 22, No. 1 (2020)
       
  • The Challenge for the Central American Integration System (SICA): The
           Withdrawal of Costa Rica During the Cuban Migrant Crisis 2015

    • Authors: Damaris Stein
      Pages: 125 - 141
      Abstract: Central America has the longest experience with regional integration efforts apart from Europe and regional integration was on its rise with the establishment of the Central American Integration System (SICA). However, the organisation has been struggling to move the integration process further; experiencing a climax of fragmentation when Costa Rica left SICA during the Cuban migration crisis in 2015. This article focuses on the factors which contributed to the withdrawal of Costa Rica by looking at: (1) the institutional level of SICA; (2) Costa Rica’s policies that have hindered Central American integration; and (3) Costa Rica’s main reasons for its non-integrationist actions. This article argues that the cause can be found at both the institutional level and the national level. It further shows that SICA failed at deepening its integration due to its supranational ambitions installed in its institutional framework. Moreover, through qualitative research methods, it has been found that Costa Rica’s foreign policy is characterised by defying SICA’s organisational bodies. This article concludes by proposing four major reasons to explain Costa Rica’s non-integrationist actions which can be subsumed under (1) historical aspects, (2) no trade benefits from its membership, (3) immigration issues and lastly, (4) the legitimacy problem of SICA.
      PubDate: 2020-06-30
      DOI: 10.7454/global.v22i1.482
      Issue No: Vol. 22, No. 1 (2020)
       
  • Transnational Relations and Activism in International Relations: Debates
           and Consensus in Literature

    • Authors: Ani W. Soetjipto, Arivia Tri Dara Yuliestiana
      Pages: 142 - 162
      Abstract: This article explores the concepts of transnational relations and activism in the study of International Relations, specifically the role of civil society in transnational advocacy. It is fascinating to discuss the role of civil society when state actors are no longer the most prominent actors in International Relations studies in the midst of globalisation. Some articles related to transnational relations have been written by the scholars of International Relations such as Thomas Risse-Kappen (1995). Even so, one of the most sophisticated concepts of transnational activism was introduced by Margaret Keck and Kathryn Sikkink (1998), in Activists Beyond Borders: Advocacy Networks in International Politics. In order to fully understand transnational activism in the study of International Relations, a divergent perspective can be applied. In this article, the authors aim to examine the recent debates and its counternarratives in International Relations through critical and constructivism lenses. Firstly, this article would describe the concepts of transnationalism and transnational activism in the study of International Relations (state of the art). Secondly, it would be a discussion in the literature on transnationalism and transnational activism which cover themes about norm diffusion, the ‘boomerang pattern’, political opportunity structures and accountability and effectiveness. The last part is conclusion that can be drawn from this consensus and debates in the concept of transnational activism.
      PubDate: 2020-06-30
      DOI: 10.7454/global.v22i1.479
      Issue No: Vol. 22, No. 1 (2020)
       
 
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