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Publisher: Ubiquity Press Limited   (Total: 35 journals)   [Sort by number of followers]

Showing 1 - 35 of 35 Journals sorted alphabetically
Ancient Asia     Open Access   (Followers: 10)
Archaeology Intl.     Open Access   (Followers: 21)
Architectural Histories     Open Access   (Followers: 10)
Belgian J. of Radiology     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Bulletin of the History of Archaeology     Open Access   (Followers: 17)
Citizen Science : Theory and Practice     Open Access  
Comics Grid : J. of Comics Scholarship     Open Access   (Followers: 8)
Data Science J.     Open Access   (Followers: 12, SJR: 0.244, h-index: 11)
Glocality     Open Access  
Glossa : A J. of General Linguistics     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
Insights : the UKSG journal     Open Access   (Followers: 127, SJR: 0.204, h-index: 10)
Intl. J. of Integrated Care     Open Access   (Followers: 9, SJR: 0.746, h-index: 9)
Intl. Review of Social Psychology / Revue Intl.e de Psychologie Sociale     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
J. of Circadian Rhythms     Open Access   (SJR: 0.877, h-index: 20)
J. of Conservation and Museum Studies     Open Access   (Followers: 20)
J. of European Psychology Students     Open Access   (Followers: 2)
J. of Interactive Media in Education     Open Access   (Followers: 6)
J. of Molecular Signaling     Open Access   (SJR: 1.705, h-index: 23)
J. of Open Archaeology Data     Open Access   (Followers: 11)
J. of Open Humanities Data     Open Access   (Followers: 1)
J. of Open Psychology Data     Open Access   (Followers: 4)
J. of Open Research Software     Open Access   (Followers: 3)
J. of Portuguese Linguistics     Open Access  
Laboratory Phonology : J. of the Association for Laboratory Phonology     Open Access   (Followers: 4)
MaHKUscript. J. of Fine Art Research     Open Access  
Open Health Data     Open Access   (Followers: 4)
Open J. of Bioresources     Open Access  
Open Quaternary     Open Access  
Papers from the Institute of Archaeology     Open Access   (Followers: 20)
Present Pasts     Open Access   (Followers: 5)
Psychologica Belgica     Open Access   (SJR: 0.224, h-index: 23)
Secularism and Nonreligion     Open Access  
Stability : Intl. J. of Security and Development     Open Access   (Followers: 8)
Utrecht J. of Intl. and European Law     Open Access   (Followers: 12)
Worldwide Waste : J. of Interdisciplinary Studies     Open Access  
Journal Cover Glossa : A Journal of General Linguistics
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   ISSN (Online) 2397-1835
   Published by Ubiquity Press Limited Homepage  [35 journals]
  • Grammatical versus lexical words in theory and aphasia: Integrating
           linguistics and neurolinguistics

    • Abstract: The distinction between grammatical and lexical words is standardly dealt with in terms of a semantic distinction between function and content words or in terms of distributional distinctions between closed and open classes. This paper argues that such distinctions fall short in several respects, and that the grammar-lexicon distinction applies even within the same word class. The argument is based on a recent functional and usage-based theory of the grammar-lexicon distinction (Boye & Harder 2012) and on the assumption that aphasic speech data represent the ideal testing ground for theories and claims about this contrast. A theoretically-based distinction between grammatical and lexical instances of Dutch modal verb forms and the verb form hebben was confronted with agrammatic and fluent aphasic speech. A dissociation between the two aphasia types was predicted and confirmed.  Published on 2018-02-23 18:33:52
       
  • If you cannot agree, move on! On labels and non-nominative subjects

    • Abstract: This paper examines the predictions of Chomsky’s (2013; 2015) Labeling Algorithm for structures with non-nominative, non-agreeing elements in what looks like a subject position: since such non-nominative subjects do not agree with the verb, the resulting structure cannot be labeled through feature sharing. Thus, the only option for such subjects is to move from [Spec, TP] or never land there. We argue for the latter option, motivating it for PPs in Polish locative inversion, instrumental DPs in Polish predicate inversion, dative subjects in Russian and Polish, genitive subjects in Lithuanian Inferential Evidentials, and accusative DPs in Russian and Polish Adversity Impersonals. We conclude by showing that under certain very restricted circumstances (i.e. when partial Agree takes place or Agree for structural case holds but Agree for phi-features is attempted and fails for independent reasons), the non-nominative elements can remain in [Spec, TP].  Published on 2018-02-23 18:28:23
       
  • Offline interpretation of subject pronouns by native speakers of Spanish

    • Abstract: Research on anaphora resolution reveals that speakers’ interpretation of pronominal subjects is often inconsistent, with results differing in terms of the antecedent preferences of these speakers and the factors that affect these preferences. The present study investigates anaphora resolution by native speakers of Spanish using an offline judgment task where participants are presented with globally ambiguous anaphora to test the predictions of Carminati’s (2002) Position of Antecedent Strategy (PAS) with Spanish intra-sentential Main-Subordinate anaphora. The results show that native speakers of Iberian Spanish have a clear preference for the object as the antecedent for the overt pronoun with this structure, while a preference for the subject as the antecedent for the null pronoun was not revealed. These findings appear to be at odds with the PAS and suggest that anaphora resolution is affected by clause order. Published on 2018-02-16 16:59:05
       
  • C-T Inheritance and the left periphery in Old Japanese

    • Abstract: This paper proposes an analysis of movement to the left periphery in Old Japanese within the framework of C-T Inheritance. Particular attention is given to the fact that nominative subjects precede focused constituents in focus concord constructions known as kakari-musubi (KM). I propose that this order is ensured by the nature of the features motivating these respective movements. Following Richards (2007), I propose that uninterpretable features – particularly those seeking a value – must be spelled out as soon as they are valued. Consequently, these features must be inherited so that they are in the domain of the phase head when spell out takes place. Building on earlier analyses of KM constructions as involving agreement between a focus particle and the verbal inflection which covaries with that particle (Ikawa 1998; Watanabe 2005; Kuroda 2007, and others), I propose that focused constituents must move to [Spec, TP], since their movement is motivated by an unvalued focus feature. In contrast to this, subject movement to value nominative case is not driven by an uninterpretable probe on the phase head like [uϕ], because Japanese lacks subject/verb agreement. Following Saito (2016), I propose that subjects undergo movement agnostically in order to value their own case features. Since there is no probe on C driving this movement, inheritance does not take place, and the subject moves to [Spec, CP], with the result that it precedes the focused constituent in surface word order. Published on 2018-02-16 16:47:50
       
  • Modifying plurals, classifiers, and co-occurrence: The case of Korean

    • Abstract: This paper argues that the Korean plural marker –tul is best analyzed as a modifier to the nP projection, rather than as a head in the nominal extended projection such as Num or Div(ision), which a standard pluralizer (e.g., English –s) realizes. As a modifier, plural –tul bears the privative feature [plural], rather than the binary feature [±plural] reserved for a plural that realizes a head. Supporting evidence comes from the fact that the presence of –tul leads to an obligatorily plural reading, while a number-neutral reading obtains in its absence; –tul also shows no evidence of inflectional properties. Appearing as an adjunct to nP, –tul shows certain idiosyncrasies, such as irregularities in the range of nouns that it can occur with. Evidence against the common claim that –tul is associated with a definite reading is provided, which suggests that it cannot realize D or adjoin to DP. The major consequence of this paper is that the often observed non-co-occurrence of classifiers and plural markers is predicted only when the relation between the two morphemes is in syntactic complementary distribution, but may not be when the relation is in merely semantic complementary distribution.  Published on 2018-02-16 16:27:57
       
  • Existential unaccusativity and new discourse referents

    • Abstract: It is well-known that new information strongly disprefers subject position in English (Horn 1986; Prince 1981; 1992; Beaver et al., 2005), even though English allows indefinite subjects. English is therefore seen as one of the many languages that adheres to the given-new contract (Clark & Haviland, 1977). This paper argues that a subset of intransitive sentences in English readily establishes new discourse referents in subject position—in an apparent breach of the given-new contract. These sentences, exemplified by A fancy lady waltzed in, are analyzed as syntactically unaccusative and semantically as having an existential proposition. These sentences are termed existential unaccusative: in the proposed VP structure, a verbal root that (typically) denotes manner of motion selects for a headed small clause whose subject is interpreted as a Path to a contextually-determined location. The analysis adapts McCloskey’s (2014) analysis of Irish existentials to English, and I argue that sentences with this structure establish discourse referents by the same means as existential there BE sentences. The analysis is discussed in the context of claims made by Du Bois (1987) that languages organize information such that new discourse referents are established as objects of transitive sentences and subjects of intransitive sentences. This analysis suggests that Du Bois’s generalization holds for a structurally distinct subset of intransitives in English in sharing the discourse function of introducing new discourse referents. Published on 2018-02-16 15:57:19
       
  • Mass-count distinction in Chinese-English bilingual students

    • Abstract: There has been increased interest in examining the relationship between different linguistic modules in second language learners’ grammar system. One such interface concerns learners’ ability to map morphosyntax to target-like semantic interpretations, especially in cases where the first and second languages differ in morphosyntax-semantics mapping. We examined this issue by investigating Chinese-English bilingual adolescents’ knowledge regarding the semantic consequences of mass-count morphosyntax in English. 228 Chinese-English bilingual students from Singapore took part in a quantity judgment task. Following previous studies, we tested five noun conditions including count (e.g., shoe), substance mass (e.g., ketchup), object mass (e.g., furniture) and two conditions involving items that can occur flexibly in both mass and count contexts (e.g., string/strings). The last two conditions specifically probe learners’ ability to make use of morphosyntax in deriving semantics. The representation of quantity for objects/substance was manipulated for number or combined volume (e.g., two large shoes/portions of ketchup versus six tiny shoes/portions of ketchup). Participants were asked to make judgments on the quantity of items, in response to questions presented in a count and/or mass frame (Who has more shoes/ketchup/furniture/string/strings'). Results show that our bilingual participants were able to make appropriate semantic judgments of quantity in response to manipulation of morphosyntax. We compare our findings with previous research in first and second language contexts and discuss the differences in terms of the quantity and quality of input in shaping learners’ grammar system.  Published on 2018-02-08 19:18:10
       
  • The internal, the external and the hybrid: The state of the art and a new
           characterization of language as a natural object

    • Abstract: The state of the art of the debate between externalist and internalist concepts of language is reviewed in this paper, and a new conceptualization of language as a “developmental hybrid” is suggested that entails that it equally comprises environmental and organism-internal component pieces, in an ultimately non dissociable way. The key for understanding this hybrid status is to be found in development, for when individually evolving, a general dynamic is observed in which organism-internal facilities selectively apply to certain designated aspects of the environmental stimulus, which in their turn have a facilitatory impact on these very same facilities. These kinds of loops inspire the conclusion that the internal and the external compose a single, integrated developmental unit.  Published on 2018-02-08 18:52:49
       
  • The structure of approximative numerals in German

    • Abstract: This paper argues that approximative numerals in German such as an die zwanzig ‘up to twenty’ are not numerals contained in a PP, as suggested by Corver & Zwarts (2006). Such numerals are compared with regular PPs and shown to never pattern with PPs. Rather, they pattern with numerals modified by an adverb like ungefähr zwanzig ‘approximately twenty.’ The words appearing before the numeral in approximative numerals such as an die ‘up to’ are hence adverbs, contrary to surface appearance. This result is further supported by the observation that in expressions like an die ‘up to’ neither the alleged preposition behaves like a preposition nor does the alleged definite determiner behave like a definite determiner. Published on 2018-02-08 18:27:06
       
  • Is German discourse-configurational' Experimental evidence for a topic
           position

    • Abstract: Frey (2000; 2004) assumes that German is discourse-configurational regarding aboutness topics, namely that there is a special syntactic position for topics within the German middle field, directly above the base position of sentence adverbials. In this paper we will present two acceptability judgment studies and two reading time studies that provide support for a designated topic position in German. Based on assumptions regarding (non-)topicable noun phrases, i.e. phrases that are (not) able to serve as an aboutness topic (see e.g. Frey 2004; Endriss 2009), we manipulated the subject type (referential, quantified, non-referential) and the position of the subject (preceding and following a sentence adverbial). In a further experiment, we varied whether the referential subject is marked as a topic or not. In sum, we found convincing evidence for a syntactic topic position. We do not think that our results affirm the assumption of a TopP (topic phrase), but they at least suggest the existence of a topic position in a descriptive sense. Published on 2018-02-08 16:09:36
       
 
 
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